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THE 

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RUSSELL  SAGE  FOUNDATION 

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FINDINGS  IN  SIX  VOLUMES 

Edited  by 

PAUL  UNDERWOOD  KELLOGG 

NEW      YORK 
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Copyright,  19 10,  by 
The  Russell  Sage  Foundation 


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PHILADELPHIA 


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EDITOR'S  FOREWORD 

THE  family  as  a  social  unit  takes  us  back  into  shadows  be- 
yond where  history  begins;  the  town  carries  with  it  a 
thousand  written  memories  of  walled  boroughs,  county 
markets  and  communes,  where  self-government  had  its  beginnings. 
But  the  mill  with  its  acres  of  tracks  and  sheds,  its  continuous  opera- 
tion, its  intricate  plan  of  discipline,  of  interlocking  processes,  of 
insistent  demands  upon  human  nature,  is  a  newer  institution. 
Factory  production  is  less  than  two  centuries  old.  The  power 
transmission  through  which  the  modern  plant  with  its  thousands 
of  workmen  has  expanded  and  developed,  is  scarcely  as  many 
generations  old.  Electrically  charged  wires  have  become  the 
binding  nervous  cords  of  industrial  mechanism  well  within  the 
memory  of  living  men. 

Miss  Byington's  study  is  essentially  a  portrayal  of  these  two 
older  social  institutions,  the  family  and  the  town,  as  they  are 
brought  into  contact  with  this  new  insurgent  third.  Has  their 
development  and  equipment  kept  pace  with  mechanical  invention? 
Have  they  held  their  own  against  the  mill?  Is  the  balance  of  life 
and  work  preserved?  Or  have  we,  in  the  industrial  town  of  twen- 
tieth century  America,  not  a  "deserted  village"  such  as  Goldsmith 
lamented  in  eighteenth  century  England,  but  a  more  serious,  anti- 
thetical problem  in  an  overcrowded,  overwrought  aggregate  of 
households.  The  query  is,  not  shall  "every  rood  of  ground  main- 
tain its  man,"  but  shall  the  day's  work  afford  an  adequate  basis  for 
American  livelihood? 

Such  a  description,  however  modest  in  scope  and  put  forth 
in  the  homely  imagery  of  domestic  life,  deals  thus  with  the  forces 
which  are  wrenching  at  the  very  structure  of  society.  There  are 
other,  perhaps  more  obvious  circumstances,  which  give  this  book  a 
distinctive  place  in  the  general  scheme  of  these  volumes.  The 
colleagues  in  the  field  work  of  the  Pittsburgh  Survey  took  up  special 


EDITOR  S    FOREWORD 

factors  affecting  the  welfare  of  the  wage-earning  population — such 
as  sanitation,  housing  and  public  education;  Miss  Byington's  com- 
mission was  to  analyze  these  factors  as  they  enter  jointly  into  the 
life  of  one  of  the  small  industrial  communities  which  are  character- 
istic of  the  Pittsburgh  District,  and  especially  to  analyze  them  as 
they  bear  upon  the  well-being  of  family  groups.  Her  book  also 
complements  Mr.  Fitch's  volume  on  wages  and  the  general  labor 
conditions  in  the  steel  industry. 

In  carrying  out  this  commission,  Miss  Byington  made  an  in- 
timate case  study  of  90  households,  employing  methods  of  budget 
taking  which  have  been  developed  for  standard  of  living  inquiries. 
She  brought  to  her  work,  as  basis  for  comparisons,  an  acquaint- 
ance with  tenement  conditions  in  New  York  and  Boston.  The 
resulting  data  have  some  rather  obvious  statistical  shortcomings, 
which  are  explained  in  the  appendix;  but  as  a  transcript  of 
everyday  economic  existence,  they  served  at  once  to  re-enforce 
and  to  check  up  the  impressions  which  grew  out  of  her  personal 
contact  with  the  people  who  earned  the  money,  and  ate  the 
food,  and  lived  in  the  houses,  and  worshipped  in  the  churches 
of  this  town.  If  the  book  inevitably  brings  out  sharply  the 
odds  of  life  with  which  many  industrial  communities  have  to 
reckon,  we  trust  that  the  loyalty  of  Homestead  residents  will  not 
take  offense  that  theirs  should  have  been  the  town  thus  singled  out 
for  study.  "The  rank  and  file  of  the  people  are  with  you,"  said 
an  old  mill  man.  To  housekeepers  and  steel  workers,  to  pro- 
fessional and  business  people,  who  gave  freely  of  their  time  and 
information,  we  cannot  offer  thanks,  for  the  book  is  partly  theirs. 
Theirs,  also,  are  the  two  irrepressible,  grim  interrogations  which 
underlie  both  the  statistical  tables  and  the  bits  of  neighborly 
gossip  with  which  the  author  has  enlivened  her  narrative.  In 
their  bearings  upon  contemporary  economic  and  social  conditions, 
these  are  questions  for  a  nation  as  well  as  for  this  community. 

The  first  has  to  do  with  the  town:  how  shall  local  self- 
government  keep  abreast  of  a  nationalized  industry? 

The  second  has  to  do  with  the  family:  here  is  a  town  de- 
pendent upon  one  of  the  great  industries  of  America,  which  has 
profited  by  brilliant  invention,  by  organizing  genius,  by  a  national 
policy  of  tariff  protection.     It  was  studied   at  the  close  of  the 


EDITOR  S    FOREWORD 

longest  period  of  prosperity  which  has  been  known  by  our  genera- 
tion. What  has  that  prosperity  brought  to  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  people  whose  waking  hours  are  put  into  the  industry? 

Miss  Byington  has  summed  up  in  a  single  phrase  the  nega- 
tive aspects  of  the  situation  so  far  as  the  men  are  concerned, 
who  "turn  daily  from  twelve  hours  in  the  din  of  the  huge  mills 
to  home,  supper,  a  smoke  and  bed."  What  steel  production 
holds  out  to  the  families  of  these  men  she  sets  forth  within  the 
covers  of  this  book. 

Paul  U.  Kellogg 

Director  Pittsburgh  Survey 


Vll 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Editor's  Foreword v 

PART  I 

THE  MILL  AND  THE  TOWN 

Chapter  I 
Homestead  and  the  Great  Strike 3 

Chapter  II 
The  Make-up  of  the  Town 12 

PART  II 
THE  ENGLISH-SPEAKING  HOUSEHOLDS 

Chapter  III 
Work,  Wages,  and  the  Cost  of  Living 35 

Chapter  IV 
Rent  in  the  Household  Budget 46 

Chapter  V 
Table  and  Dinner  Pail 63 

Chapter  VI 
Other  Expenditures:  The  Budget  as  a  Whole         ...       81 

Chapter  VII 
Of  Human  Relationships 107 

Chapter  VIII 
The  Children  of  Homestead 118 

PART  III 

THE  SLAV  AS  A  HOMESTEADER 

Chapter  IX 
The  Slavs 131 

Chapter  X 
Life  at  $1.65  a  Day 138 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

Chapter  XI  page 

Family  Life  of  the  Slavs 145 

Chapter  XII 
The  Slav  Organized 158 

PART  IV 

THE  MILL  AND  THE  HOUSEHOLD 

Chapter  XIII 

The  Mill  and  the  Household 171 

APPENDICES 

APPENDIX 

I.  Methods  of  Budget  Study 187 

II.  Tables  giving  general  description  and  average  weekly 

expenditure  of  each  of  the  90  budget  families    .        .     206 

III.  Employes  in  Homestead  Plant  of  the  United  States 

Steel    Corporation    classified    according    to    skill, 
citizenship,  conjugal  condition,  etc.,  Mar.  1,  1907    .     214 

IV.  Classification   and   Earnings  of   Employes  in   Three 

Representative    Steel    Plants    in    the    Pittsburgh 

District 215 

V.  An   Act   to   Enable   Borough  Councils   to   Establish 

Boards  of  Health.     State  of  Pennsylvania.     1893     218 
VI.  Report  of  the  Board  of  Health  of  the  Borough  of 

Homestead  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1908     222 
VII.  Record  of  Casualties  on   Unprotected  Grade  Cross- 
ings, Homestead,  1905- 1907 233 

VIII.  Seven-Day  Labor 236 

IX.  Cost  of  Living  in  Pittsburgh 237 

X.  Ratings  on  Men  Employed  in  Iron  and  Steel  Industry, 

by  Prudential  Insurance  Company  of  America         .     243 

XL  Carnegie  Relief  Fund 245 

XII.  Accident  Relief  Plan  of  the  United  States  Steel  Cor- 
poration  249 

XIII.  The  Carnegie  Library,  Homestead 255 

By  W.  F.  Stevens,  Librarian 

XIV.  Slavic  Organizations  in  Homestead       .        .        .        .271 
XV.  Population  of  Homestead  and  Munhall,  1910  .     276 


Index 281 

x 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


The  Homestead  Plant:  Carnegie  Steel  Company    .      Frontispiece 

Pittsburgh  Survey  Map i 

Homestead  from  the  Pittsburgh  Side  of  the  Monongahela 

Of  the  Old  Time  Irish  Immigration  (In  color) 

Head:  Slavic  Day  Laborer  (In  color) 

Detached  Dwellings  of  the  Better  Type.     Sixteenth  Avenue 

Munhall 

"The  Mansion" 

The  Street 

Glen  Alley,  a  Few  Blocks  from  Frick  Park,  Homestead 
Double  Grade  Crossing  Near  the  Heart  of  Homestead 
An  Unpaved  Alley        .... 
Where  the  Mill  Meets  the  Town 

Slavic  Laborers 

Back  Yard  Possibilities  in  Homestead 
Back  Yard  Possibilities  in  Homestead — II 
A  One-Room  Household 

A  "  Front  Room" 

Row  of  Detached  Workingmen's  Houses  in  Munhall;    Mill 

Stacks  Showing  above  Housetops 
Frame  Houses.     Five  rooms  and  bath 
Brick  Houses.     Four  rooms  and  bath 

Residence  Street 

"Buckets" 

The  Street  Market        .... 
Where  Some  of  the  Surplus  Goes 
Eighth  Avenue  at  Night,  Homestead 
A  Nickelodeon  Audience  in  Homestead 

On  the  Outskirts 

In  the  Crowded  Section 

Spontaneous  Recreation  Center,  Homestead,  1907 

Saloon  Corner,  Saturday  Night  .... 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


The  Lights  of  Kenny  wood  Park 113 

Carnegie  Library,  Munhall 116 

Orchestra;  Carnegie  Library 117 

BandStand 117 

In  Carnegie's  Footsteps 119 

The  Brook  in  Munhall  Hollow 121 

Draughting  Room,  Schwab  Manual  Training  School  .124 

Carpenter  Shop,  Schwab  Manual  Training  School  .  .124 

Machine  Room,  Schwab  Manual  Training  School   .        .        .127 

Slav:  Calling  (In  color) 129 

Section  of  Ward  Two,  Homestead,  1908 132 

Slavic  Court 133 

Summer  Evening  in  a  Court 137 

Wash-Day  in  a  Homestead  Court 141 

Into  America  Through  the  Second  Ward  of  Homestead  144 

When  Meadows  Have  Grown  Too  Many  Smokestacks  .  145 
Out  of  Work  (Homestead  Court,  Spring  of  1908)    .               .148 

A  Contrast— I 152 

A  Contrast— II 152 

Gathered  for  a  Bit  of  Gossip 157 

Washing  up  After  a  Day  in  the  Mill 157 

Greek  Catholic  Church 161 

Old  Worlds  in  New  (In  color) 164 

Going  Home  from  Work 1 73 

Type  of  Steel  Worker:  Thirty-five  Years  from  Germany  176 

Type  of  Steel  Worker:  Slav 178 

Type  of  Steel  Worker:   Pennsylvanian 180 

Balcony  and  Entrance,  Carnegie  Library,  Homestead   .        .  258 


LIST  OF  TABLES 

TABLE  _         PAGE 

i.  Total  population,  and  number  and  per  cent  of  native  and  foreign  born  in 

Homestead,  1900 13 

2.  Total  population,  and  per  cent  of  native  white  and  foreign  born  in  four 

boroughs  of  Allegheny  County,  1900.        ...  ...        13 

3.  Total  employes,  and  number  and  per  cent  of  various  racial  groups  in  the 

Homestead  Plant,  Carnegie  Steel  Co.,  July,  1907 13 

4.  Homestead  and  Munhall  taxes,  1907 20 

5.  Analysis  of  90  budget  families. — By  racial  group  and  normal  weekly 

wage  of  man -38 

6.  Men  employed  in  the  Homestead  Mill  in  July,  1907.     Number  and  per- 

centages.    By  racial  groups  and  degree  of  skill 40 

7.  90  budget  families. —  By  racial  and  expenditure  group        ....       44 

8.  Average  weekly  expenditures  of  90  budget  families  in   1907:    amounts 

and  percentages. — By  chief  items  of  expenditure  and  racial  group.        .       44 

9.  Average  weekly  expenditures  of  90  budget  families,  amounts  and  per- 

centages.— By  chief  items  of  expenditure  and  expenditure  group   .        .       45 

10.  Average  weekly  expenditures  of  yy  house-renting  families,  amounts  and 

percentages. — By  chief  items  of  expenditure  and  expenditure  group      .       45 

1 1 .  Average  amount  of  rent  per  week  paid  by  the  77  house-renting  families. — 

By  expenditure  and  racial  group 50 

12.  Expenditure  for  rent  of  yy  house-renting  families.     Average  amount  and 

percentage  of  total  expenditure. — By  racial  group 52 

13.  Expenditure  for  rent  of  yy  house-renting  families.     Average  amount 

and  percent  of  total  expenditure. —  By  expenditure  group       ...       52 

14.  Families  having  running  water  in  the  house  and  indoor  closets. — By 

weekly  rent 54 

15.  18  house  purchasers  among  90  budget  families. — By  normal  weekly  in- 

come and  by  racial  group 57 

16.  Average  weekly  expenditure  for  food  of  90  budget  families  and  per  cent 

of  total  expenditure. — By  racial  group 68 

17.  Same  as  Table  16. — By  expenditure  group 68 

18.  Average  weekly  expenditure  for  food  of  90  budget  families. — By  racial 

and  expenditure  group 68 

19.  Average  expenditure  for  food  per  man  per  day  of  90  budget  families. — By 

racial  and  expenditure  group 69 

20.  Twenty-one  families  spending  less  than  22  cents  per  man  per  day  for 

food. — By  expenditure  and  racial  groups 72 

21.  Itemized  account  of  food  expenditures  for  one  week  by  a  thrifty  house- 

keeper       76 

22.  Itemized  account  of  food  expenditures  for  one  week  for  a  poor  house- 

keeper       76 

23.  Two  weekly  food  budgets  of  a  thrifty  family 78 

24.  Average  weekly  expenditure  of  90  budget  families  for  various  items. — By 

expenditure  group 84 

25.  Ratio  of  weekly  expenditures  for  various  items  between  different  ex- 

penditure groups 84 

26.  Number  of  persons  insured  in  90  budget  families  and  per  cent  of  families 

carrying  insurance. — By  expenditure  group 91 

xiii 


LIST   OF   TABLES 

TABLE  PAGE 

27.  Number  of  persons  in  90  budget  families  insured  in  regular  companies 

and  lodges. — By  racial  group 91 

28.  Expenditures  of  a  family  for  one  week  in    1907  (Normal   time)  and  in 

1908  (Time  of  depression) 98 

29.  Budget  families  whose  income  included  money  drawn  from  the  bank  or 

goods  secured  on  credit. — By  income  and  racial  group  ....       99 

30.  Food  purchased  on  special  order  for  boarders  during  month  account  was 

kept 139 

31.  Food  expenditures  of  a  Slavic  family  for  one  week 141 

32.  Two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  Slavic  families  in  21  courts. — By  numbers, 

nationality  and  number  of  lodgers 143 

33.  Number  of  persons  per  room  in  the  21   courts  in  families  which  took 

lodgers  compared  with  the  number  in  families  which  did  not  take 
lodgers,  January,  1908 144 

34.  Number  of  births  in  each  ward  in  Homestead  for  1907. — By  racial  group   .      146 

35.  Number  of  deaths  of  children  under  two  years  of  age  in  each  ward  in 

Homestead  for  1907. — By  racial  group 146 

36.  Ratio  of  children  born  in  each  ward  in  Homestead  in  1907  to  deaths  of 

children  under  two  in  the  same  ward. — By  racial  group        .        .        .146 

37.  Average  weekly  expenditure  of  29  Slavic  budget  families  .        .        .        .152 

38.  Average  expenditure  of  Slavic  families  compared  with  those  of  other 

races  spending  more  than  $15  per  week 156 

39.  Average  expenditures  of  two  groups  of  10  families  each,  those  spending 

$15  or  more  a  week  and  those  spending  less  than  §12,  with  the  ratio 

of  increase 156 

40.  Membership,  dues  and  benefits  of  9  Slavic  societies  in  1908  ....       162 

APPENDIX  I 

1.  Analysis  of  90  budget  families. — By  racial  group,  occupation  and  normal 

weekly  wage  of  man 200 

2.  Average  normal  weekly  income  and  income  from  specified  sources,  of  90 

budget  families. — By  racial  group 201 

3.  90  budget  families. — By  number  of  families  having  income  from  given 

sources  in  normal  times  and  by  racial  group 201 

4.  Average  size  of  families,  and  of  families  including  lodgers.— By  expendi- 

ture and  nationality  groups 201 

5.  90  budget  families. — Number  of  persons  per  room  by  racial  group       .        .     202 

6.  Number  of  house-owning  and  house-renting  families  having  water  in 

house,  and  number  having  two  or  more  persons  per  room. — By  ex- 
penditure group 202 

7.  90  budget  families  occupying  tenements  of  specified  number  of  rooms. — 

By  racial  group 202 

8.  90  budget  families  occupying  specified  number  of  rooms. — By  expendi- 

ture group 203 

9.  Cost  of  certain  articles  of  food  in  nine  cities  and  ratio  of  the  cost  of  these 

articles  in  other  cities  to  the  cost  in  Pittsburgh. — By  cents  per  pound    .     203 

10.  Total  average  weekly  expenditures  of  house-renting  families  expending 

less  than  $12  a  week,  and  proportions  spent  for  food  and  rent  by 
racial  group 204 

11.  Average  expenditure  for  food  per  man  per  day,  by  size  of  family  and 

expenditure  group 204 

APPENDIX  II 
Tables  giving  general  description  and  average  weekly  expenditure  of  each  of 

the  90  budget  families 206 

xiv 


LIST   OF    TABLES 


APPENDIX    III  PAGE 

Employes  in  Homestead  Plant  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation 
classified  according  to  skill,  citizenship,  conjugal  condition,  etc., 
Mar.  i,  1907 214 

APPENDIX  IV 
Classification  and  earnings  of  employes  in  three  representative  Steel  Plants 

of  the  Pittsburgh  District.  October  1,  1907 215 


3600       4250      4750 


■SCALS  :  500  F-T    TO  ViCtt 


PART  I 
THE  MILL  AND  THE  TOWN 


CHAPTER  I 
HOMESTEAD    AND    THE    GREAT    STRIKE 

HOMESTEAD  gives  at  the  first  a  sense  of  the  stress  of 
industry  rather  than  of  the  old  time  household  cheer 
which  its  name  suggests.  The  banks  of  the  brown  Monon- 
gahela  are  preempted  on  one  side  by  the  railroad,  on  the  other 
by  unsightly  stretches  of  mill  yards.  Gray  plumes  of  smoke  hang 
heavily  from  the  stacks  of  the  long,  low  mill  buildings,  and  noise 
and  effort  dominate  what  once  were  quiet  pasture  lands. 

On  the  slope  which  rises  steeply  behind  the  mill  are  the 
Carnegie  Library  and  the  "mansion"  of  the  mill  superintendent, 
with  the  larger  and  more  attractive  dwellings  of  the  town  grouped 
about  two  small  parks.  Here  and  there  the  towers  of  a  church 
rise  in  relief.  The  green  of  the  parks  modifies  the  first  impression 
of  dreariness  by  one  of  prosperity  such  as  is  not  infrequent  in 
American  industrial  towns.  Turn  up  a  side  street,  however,  and 
you  pass  uniform  frame  houses,  closely  built  and  dulled  by  the 
smoke;  and  below,  on  the  flats  behind  the  mill,  are  cluttered 
alleys,  unsightly  and  unsanitary,  the  dwelling  place  of  the  Slavic 
laborers.  The  trees  are  dwarfed  and  the  foliage  withered  by  the 
fumes;  the  air  is  gray,  and  only  from  the  top  of  the  hill  above  the 
smoke  is  the  sky  clear  blue. 

There  is  more  to  tell,  however,  than  can  be  gained  by 
first  impressions.  The  Homestead  I  would  interpret  in  detail  is 
neither  the  mill  nor  the  town,  but  is  made  up  of  the  households 
of  working  people,  the  sturdy  Scotch  and  Welsh  and  German  of 
the  early  immigration,  the  sons  of  Yankee  "buckwheats,"  and 
the  daughters  of  Pennsylvania  Dutch  farmers.  Set  off  against 
the  hill  streets,  lined  with  these  English-speaking  homes,  are  the 
courts  where  all  Austria-Hungary  seems  gathered  afresh.  Here 
are  lodging  houses  filled  with  single  men,  where  the  "  boarding 
bosses"  keep  accounts  in  Russian,  Slovak  or  Hungarian;    alley 

3 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

dwellings  where  immigrant  families  are  venturing  a  permanent 
home  in  one  or  two  rooms,  near  by  the  Slavic  church  where 
their  children  are  christened  and  receive  their  first  communion. 
It  is  the  home  life  the  mill  town  leads  on  the  wages  the  mill  pays 
that  has  been  the  subject  of  my  study. 

The  glaring  evils  and  startling  injustices  found  on  every 
hand  in  the  congested  sections  of  large  cities  supplied  the  first 
and  strongest  impetus  toward  social  reform  in  this  country.  But 
many  of  the  unwholesome  living  conditions  which  we  associate 
with  the  poorer  city  neighborhoods  are  repeated  in  the  average 
mill  town  with  less  excuse  and  with  as  bitter  effects.  Further- 
more, industrial  conditions,  such  as  low  wages  and  long  hours 
of  labor,  have  as  direct  an  influence  upon  home  life  as  high  rents 
and  bad  sanitation,  and  their  influence  can  be  studied  in  a  com- 
munity which  grows  up  about  a  single  plant  more  easily  than  in 
one  which  presents  the  complications  of  a  great  city.  With  a 
knowledge  of  tenement  districts  in  New  York  and  Boston  as 
a  basis  of  comparison,  I  spent  the  greater  part  of  a  year  in  Home- 
stead, studying  the  family  side  of  the  labor  problem  as  presented 
there. 

Homestead*  is  a  community  of  approximately  25,000  people, 
chiefly  mill  workers  and  their  families.  There  is  today  no  labor  or- 
ganization among  them.  Trade  unionism  belonged  to  an  earlier 
chapter  in  the  history  of  the  town.  A  generation  of  boys  has 
now  grown  up  and  entered  the  mills  without  knowing  by  per- 
sonal experience  what  unionism  is,  or,  except  by  hearsay,  what  the 
great  strike  of  1892  was  about.  Yet,  as  the  history  of  the 
town  has  been  largely  the  history  of  the  mill,  I  must  first  sketch 
the  development  of  both,  and  the  labor  struggle  which  fifteen 
years  ago  determined  the  relations  between  them. 

As  late  as  1870,  two  farms,  the  old  McClure  and  West  home- 
steads, occupied  the  site  of  the  present  mill  and  town.  Scattered 
along  the  river  on  smaller  holdings  were  the  simple  homes  of  a 
farming  population.  To  get  to  Pittsburgh,  seven  miles  down 
stream,  the  people  had  either  to  travel  the  distance  by  road  or 
cross  the  river  and  take  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  at  Brad- 

*  Politically,  as  will  be  noted  later,  Homestead  is  made  up  of  three  inde- 
pendent boroughs  :  in  common  speech  the  one  term  covers  them  all. 


HOMESTEAD    AND   THE    GREAT    STRIKE 

dock,  two  miles  away.  In  1871,  the  Homestead  Bank  and  Life 
Insurance  Company,  which  had  bought  the  farms,  cut  them  up  into 
building  lots  and  put  them  on  the  market,  intending  that  Home- 
stead should  be  a  residential  suburb.  With  the  building  of  the 
Pittsburgh,  Virginia  and  Charleston  Railroad  in  1872,  it  became 
possible  for  people  doing  business  in  the  city  to  live  in  Homestead. 
In  1874  the  first  church,  St.  John's  Lutheran,  was  erected,  and 
the  little  village  began  to  have  a  social  life  of  its  own.  In  1878, 
when  its  population  was  about  600,  Bryce  and  Highbie  opened  a 
glass  factory  and  the  town's  industrial  history  began.  Ten  houses, 
the  first  to  be  built  for  rent,  were  erected  on  Fifth  Avenue  for 
the  married  workmen.  The  land  above  the  works  was  still  an 
open  field  where  farmers  from  the  nearby  country  drove  their  cows 
to  graze. 

In  1 88 1,  when  Klomans  built  a  steel  mill  on  the  banks 
of  the  river,  the  step  definitely  determining  the  future  of  Home- 
stead was  taken.  The  Klomans  mill  was  absorbed  by  the  Carnegie 
Steel  Company  in  1886,  and  became  in  turn  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant plants  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  on  its  or- 
ganization in  1 90 1 .  The  site  of  Homestead  made  its  part  in  this  in- 
dustrial development  almost  inevitable.  Situated  on  the  Monon- 
gahela  River,  six  miles  below  its  confluence  with  the  Youghiogheny 
and  seven  miles  above  the  point  where  with  the  Allegheny  it 
forms  the  Ohio,  the  town  has  unusual  facilities  for  water  carriage, 
as  well  as  the  supply  of  water  necessary  for  the  processes  of  steel 
manufacture.  Railroad  and  lake  routes  bring  iron  ores  from 
the  mines  of  Michigan  to  meet  here  the  fuel  needed  to  reduce 
them.  The  river,  which  is  navigable  from  Fairmont,  West 
Virginia, — a  distance  of  over  one  hundred  miles, — runs  through  a 
region  of  bituminous  mines.  It  has  been  this  nearness  to  the 
coal  beds  which  has  made  the  Pittsburgh  District  a  steel  center, 
and  the  level  space  in  the  bend  of  the  river  at  Homestead  the 
floor  of  a  great  steel  mill. 

By  1892,  8000  people  had  gathered  at  Homestead,  though 
the  town  still  kept  many  of  its  village  characteristics.  The 
population  was  composed  of  a  fairly  homogeneous  group, 
most  of  them  speaking  the  same  language  and  mingling  freely 
in  school,   church  and  neighborhood  life,   as  well  as  within  the 

5 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

mill.  While  it  is  impossible  to  secure  any  definite  figures  as  to 
the  make-up  of  the  population  in  those  days,  certain  facts 
give  us  a  general  picture  of  the  earlier  situation.  Among  the 
families  visited  for  this  study,  half  of  the  Americans  and 
about  half  of  the  foreign  born,  who  came  from  Great  Britain  and 
Western  Europe,  had  been  15  years  in  Homestead;  of  264  Slavs, 
however,  only  31  were  living  here  before  the  strike  of  1892. 

The  churches  founded  before  1892  were  Lutheran,  Presby- 
terian, Methodist,  Baptist,  United  Presbyterian,  Episcopal,  and 
German  Evangelical.  It  was  not  until  1896  that  a  Slavic  church 
was  built.  During  the  ten  years  following  the  starting  of  the 
mill,  there  was  still  much  immigration  to  the  United  States  from 
Great  Britain  and  Germany,  and  the  growing  town  was  in  a  large 
measure  recruited  from  these  peoples.  The  good  pay  offered  in 
the  mills  attracted  also  American  boys.  Apparently,  the  officials 
fostered  this  natural  gravitation  to  the  industry. 

In  a  letter  written  in  the  early  days,  Captain  Jones,  of  the 
Edgar  Thomson  Works,  said,  "My  experience  has  shown  that  Ger- 
mans, Irish,  Swedes  and  'buckwheats'  (young  American  country 
boys),  judiciously  mixed,  make  the  most  effective,  tractable  force 
you  can  find.  Scotsmen  do  very  well,  are  honest  and  faithful. 
Welsh  can  be  used  in  limited  quantities.  But  Englishmen  have 
been  the  worst  class  of  men — sticklers  for  high  wages,  small  pro- 
duction and  strikes."* 

According  to  an  old  resident,  the  men  of  each  nationality 
often  grouped  themselves  in  separate  mills,  and,  when  there  were 
good  openings,  sent  to  the  old  country  for  their  friends.  The  ties 
thus  created  had  their  share  in  making  possible  an  early  de- 
velopment of  trade  unionism,  for  along  with  uniform  standards  of 
living,  existed  the  opportunity  to  organize  in  order  to  secure  con- 
ditions which  would  make  those  standards  possible.  Almost 
immediately  after  the  opening  of  the  mill  the  men  formed  a  lodge 
of  the  Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron  and  Steel  Workers,  and 
within  a  year  there  was  a  small,  quickly  settled  strike. 

The  Homestead  lodges  grew  steadily  in  power  until  they  held 
an  assured  place.  The  wage  scale  was  each  year  fixed  by  agree- 
ment between  committees  representing  the  Amalgamated  Associa- 

*  Bridge,  J.  H.:  Inside  History  of  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company,  p.  81. 

6 


HOMESTEAD   AND  THE   GREAT   STRIKE 

tion  and  the  employers  in  the  industry.     Within  the  mill  also 
the  men  had  much  influence,   and  in  many  minor  points  con- 
trolled the  action  even  of  the  superintendents.     There  developed, 
however,  a  diversity  of  interest,  not  between  the  different  races 
but  between  two  main  wage  groups,— the  less  skilled  men,  many  of 
whom  are  paid  by  the  day,  and  the  highly  skilled  workers  upon 
whom  the  output  of  the  mills  depends,  who  are  paid  by  the  ton. 
The  lodges  of   the  Amalgamated  Association,  consisting  almost 
entirely  of  the   tonnage  men,  were   charged   with  ignoring  the 
interests  of  the  day  men.     A  man  employed  there  at  the  time 
told  me  that  some  of  the  highly  skilled  workers,  such  as  rollers,— 
who  were  really  sub-bosses  and  were  paid  on  the  basis  of  the  out- 
put of  the  gang  under  them,— made  as  much  as  $300  in  two  weeks. 
The  rank  and  file  felt  with  some  bitterness  that  not  only  were  the 
capitalists  securing  far   more  than  their  share  of  the  proceeds 
of  labor,  but  that  these  few  among  the  workers  were  also  unduly 
favored.     False  standards  in  some  cases  were  developed  by  the 
abnormally  high  pay,  and  the  tendency  of  the  few  to  spend  care- 
lessly what  had  been  earned  thus  easily  gave  the  town  a  reputation 
for  extravagance.     A  woman  said,  "My  father  used  to  earn  $300 
in  two  weeks  and  yet  he  never  saved  anything,  and  never  tried  to 
buy  a  house;  that  was  because  he  drank.     Why,  now  we  have 
paid  for  our  house  and  have  money  in  the  bank  and  the  'mister' 
never  makes  more  than  $25  a  week."     The  reckless  expenditure  of 
the  exceptionally  paid  men,  however,  apparently  no  more  than 
reflected  the  general  spirit  of  the  Pittsburgh  District  in  days  when 
new  processes  were  doubling  output  and  money  was  easily  made. 
This,  then,  was  the  situation  at  the  time  of  the  great  strike 
in  1892,  which  in  so  many  ways  influenced  the  future  of  Home- 
stead.    Within  the  five  years  preceding,  the  Carnegie  Steel  Com- 
pany had  doubled  its  capital  and  had  increased  the  number  of 
employes  in  Homestead  alone  to  about  4000,  800  of  whom  were 
members  of  the  Amalgamated  Association.     In   1889,  a  sliding 
scale  had  been  introduced  by  which  the  rate  of  pay  per  ton  varied 
with  the  market  price  of  steel,  under  the  proviso,  however,  that 
if  the  latter  fell  below  $25  per  ton  no  further  reduction  in  wages 
was  to  be  made.     This  agreement  did  not  affect  the  wages  of  the 
day  men.     In  the  spring  of  1892,  the  Association  voted  to  renew 

7 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

the  contract  on  the  old  terms,  but  the  company  demanded  that 
the  base  should  be  $22  instead  of  $25  and  that  the  contract  should 
expire  in  January  instead  of  July.  After  a  number  of  conferences, 
the  company  advanced  its  minimum  to  $23  and  the  men  reduced 
theirs  to  $24,  but  no  concessions  at  all  were  made  in  regard  to  the 
date  of  expiration  of  the  contract.  The  men  felt  that  in  case  of 
disagreement  and  strike  they  would  be  at  a  far  greater  disadvantage 
in  the  winter  when  lack  of  work  would  be  more  keenly  felt.  The 
company,  on  the  other  hand,  claimed  that  as  its  commercial  con- 
tracts were  frequently  made  to  date  from  January  1,  it  was 
necessary  to  know  at  that  time  what  was  to  be  the  labor  cost  for 
the  ensuing  year. 

Behind  these  ostensible  points  of  disagreement,  however, 
lay  one  fundamental  issue  which,  though  seldom  mentioned,  was 
the  keynote  of  the  strike, — trade  unionism.  The  Amalgamated 
Association  had  been  taking  to  itself  more  and  more  power.  A 
small  group  secured  the  desirable  positions;  the  permission  of 
the  Association  had  to  be  obtained  before  any  of  its  members 
could  be  discharged.  It  stood  in  the  way  of  lowering  individual 
wage  rates,  and  in  general  not  only  obstructed  the  free  hand  which 
the  company  wanted  but  interfered  with  many  details  of 
operation. 

In  1889,  H.  C.  Frick  became  chairman  of  Carnegie  Brothers 
and  Company.  As  he  had  aroused  the  antagonism  of  the  labor 
world  through  his  suppression  of  the  strike  in  the  coke  region  a 
few  years  before,  the  mill  men  feared  that  he  would  crush  the 
Amalgamated  Association.  More  keen,  therefore,  than  their  in- 
terest in  the  points  at  issue  was  the  belief  that  if  they  failed 
in  this  strike,  the  power,  if  not  the  very  existence  of  the  union, 
would  go.  This  fear  accounts  for  the  pertinacity  with  which 
the  struggle  was  fought  to  the  finish  and  for  the  deep-seated 
bitterness  which  followed  the  men's  defeat. 

The  strike  began  June  30.  The  Association,  which  had  been 
so  recently  indifferent  to  the  condition  of  the  day  men,  now  realized, 
since  many  of  the  latter  could  be  put  into  the  skilled  positions,  that 
the  strike  could  not  be  won  without  their  assistance.  A  call  was 
thereupon  issued  for  them  to  strike,  and  the  day  men,  with  every- 
thing to  lose  and  almost  nothing  to  gain,  went  out    too,   and 


HOMESTEAD    AND    THE    GREAT    STRIKE 

remained  faithful  supporters  to  the  end.  A  committee  of  fifty 
men,  called  the  advisory  board,  conducted  the  strike. 

Shortly  after  the  trouble  began,  the  company  attempted  to 
bring  into  the  mill  some  300  men  in  charge  of  Pinkerton  detec- 
tives. The  strikers  had  feared  that  the  company  would  do  this, 
since  Mr.  Frick  had  called  in  the  Pinkertons  at  the  Connellsville 
coke  strike  and  bloodshed  had  followed.  The  detectives  started 
up  the  river  in  boats  in  the  early  morning  of  July  6,  and  a  scout 
who  had  been  stationed  by  the  strikers  came  on  horseback  to 
warn  the  town.  The  story  of  that  morning,  as  it  is  retold  among 
the  people  of  Homestead,  suggests  vividly  the  ride  of  Paul  Revere 
to  rouse  other  insurgents  more  than  a  century  earlier.  Men  and 
women  hurried  to  the  mill,  weapons  were  hunted  up  and  barricades 
erected.  Which  side  fired  the  first  shot  is  still  a  debated  question, 
but  a  miniature  battle  followed  in  which  seven  persons  were 
killed  and  others  wounded.  The  Pinkertons  finally  surrendered, 
were  brought  into  the  town  and  later  were  returned  to  Pittsburgh. 
There  are  conflicting  stories  as  to  the  incidents  of  the  day,  stories 
of  bloodshed  and  cruelty.  The  one  clear  fact  is  that  the  mob 
fury  latent  in  most  men  was  wakened  by  that  first  shot.  It  is 
hard  to  believe  that  the  sober,  self-contained  workmen  who  told 
me  the  story  fifteen  years  afterward  had  been  part  of  the  frenzied 
crowd  on  the  river  bank. 

As  is  so  often  the  case,  however,  that  July  morning  over- 
shadowed in  the  minds  of  the  public  the  true  character  and  sig- 
nificance of  the  determined  struggle,  which  under  conservative 
leadership  lasted  four  or  five  months.  For  after  the  first  clash 
the  question  became  one  of  endurance,  and  though  the  state 
militia  were  called  in  no  further  disturbance  of  any  magnitude 
arose.  One  woman,  the  owner  of  a  number  of  small  houses,  told 
me  that  in  the  latter  part  of  the  strike  she  rented  some  of  them 
to  non-union  men,  but  that  contrary  to  her  expectation  she 
experienced  no  personal  annoyance.  Quietly,  stubbornly,  the 
men  continued  the  fight.  The  contributions  which  poured  in 
from  fellow  workmen  and  the  public  prevented  physical  suffering ; 
sympathetic  strikes  kept  up  their  courage,  as  did  the  difficulty 
of  the  company  in  finding  men  to  take  their  places.  In  the  mean- 
time the  life  of  the  town  went  on,  changed  but  little  by  the  in- 

9 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

dustrial  conflict.  The  local  papers  tell  of  weddings,  of  picnics,  of 
church  suppers  and  of  the  casual  comings  and  goings  of  the  towns- 
people, while  in  the  mill  below  was  being  contested,  though  in  a 
waiting  game,  the  issue  which  was  to  determine  in  many  respects 
the  future  of  the  village. 

Since  the  whole  town  was  in  one  way  or  another  dependent 
on  the  mill,  the  interest  even  of  small  merchants  and  others  not 
directly  concerned  was  of  course  intense.  While  some  of  the 
people  appreciated  the  weak  points  in  the  claims  of  the  Amalga- 
mated Association,  the  general  feeling  was  so  strong  that  no 
one  would  express  an  opinion  unfavorable  to  the  union.  The 
mild  tone  of  the  local  papers  leads  one  to  believe  that  they  did 
not  reflect  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  with  its  resentment 
at  the  presence  of  the  soldiers  and  its  alternations  of  hope  and 
despair  as  to  the  outcome  of  the  summer.  About  the  middle  of 
October  the  men  realized  that  they  had  failed,  and  went  back 
— those  who  could  get  their  old  jobs — at  a  wage  determined  by 
the  company.  A  few  were  refused  positions,  and  many  others 
who  found  that  their  places  in  the  mill  had  been  taken  by  the 
strike  breakers  had  either  to  take  inferior  positions  or  go  elsewhere. 
The  resulting  bitterness  made  itself  felt  for  years  in  the  relation 
of  the  men  to  the  Carnegie  Company.  When  you  talk  with  a 
skilled  and  intelligent  man  who  is  still  refused  work  in  any  mill 
of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  because  of  the  part  he 
played  in  that  strike,  over  fifteen  years  ago,  you  realize  why  the 
passions  it  aroused  have  not  died  out.  For  most  of  the  town, 
life  resumed  its  normal  course.  Newspapers  in  New  Orleans  and 
St.  Paul  and  San  Francisco  ceased  to  discuss  Homestead;  it  drop- 
ped back  to  its  place  among  industrial  towns,  facing  for  good 
or  ill  the  problems  which  this  changed  labor  situation  created. 

Looking  back  from  the  vantage  ground  of  the  present,  one 
is  impressed  by  the  vital  character  of  the  questions  at  issue.  The 
particular  change  in  the  wage  scale  which  was  ostensibly  the 
point  under  dispute,  was,  comparatively  speaking,  a  small  matter; 
the  significant  fact  is  that  every  cut  since  has  been  accepted  by 
the  men  without  hope  and  with  no  effective  protest. 

There  was  involved  a  question  of  social  equity  apart  from 
10 


HOMESTEAD    AND   THE    GREAT    STRIKE 

whether  the  union  carried  its  interference  in  mill  administration  to 
unwarranted  lengths,  or  whether  the  company  had  grounds  for 
adopting  its  inflexible  policy  of  suppressing  any  labor  organiza- 
tions among  the  men.  This  question  was  whether  the  workmen 
in  the  industry  were  to  profit  in  the  long  run  by  improved  and 
cheapened  processes  of  production;  in  other  words,  was  mechani- 
cal progress  to  mean  a  real  increase  of  prosperity  to  the  com- 
munity as  the  years  passed.  If  the  Homestead  strike  had  been 
won  by  the  men,  the  company  would  have  continued  to  recognize 
that  settled  employes  have  some  claims  with  respect  to  the  terms 
of  their  employment,  and  to  grant  them  a  voice  in  the  wage 
adjustments  which  from  time  to  time  determine  what  share  of 
the  proceeds  of  production  belongs  to  labor.  It  may  well  be  I 
questioned  whether  the  standards  of  living  for  steel  employes 
would  have  settled  to  their  present  levels. 

The  union  ceased  to  exist,  and  since  that  date  thosje^onrrnon 
factors  in  employment  which  circumscribe  a  man's  life, — his  hours, 
his  wages,  and  the  conditions  under  which  he  works, — and  which 
in  turn  vitally  affect  the  well-being  of  his  family;  these  he  was 
to  have  less  and  less  share  in  determining. 


CHAPTER  II 
THEMAKE-UP    OF    THE    TOWN 

THE  strike  ended,  mill  and  town  continued  their  rapid  growth 
until  little  is  now  left  to  suggest  the  village  which  in  1870 
we  saw  developing  on  the  farms  beside  the  river.  The 
changes  of  the  intervening  years,  however,  except  for  the  influx 
of  the  Slavs,  have  been  gradual  and  unnoticed.  Their  history  is 
unwritten,  and  our  real  interest  lies  rather  in  the  present  develop- 
ment, in  the  type  of  town  which  the  great  plant  and  its  7000 
employes  have  created  at  Homestead.  The  population  is  typical 
of  the  newer  American  industrial  centers  as  distinguished  from  the 
New  England  village  or  the  western  county  seat.  It  is  a  town 
primarily  of  workingmen— a  town  of  many  transients.  It  is, 
moreover,  strikingly  representative  of  the  two  waves  of  immigra- 
tion,— the  first,  of  Teutons  and  Celts,  the  later,  of  Slavs— and  of 
the  great  social  cleavage  between  them. 

While  at  the  date  of  this  study  there  were  no  detailed  sta- 
tistics of  nationalities  making  up  the  population,  the  census  of 
1900  reported  for  the  borough  of  Homestead,  4528  native  white  of 
native  parents,  3781  native  white  of  foreign  parents,  3594  foreign 
born  white,  640  Negroes,  and  11  Chinese;  that  is,  about  36  per 
cent  of  the  population  was  native  white  of  native  parents.  This 
percentage  is  fairly  typical  of  mill  towns  in  the  steel  district,  as 
shown  by  a  comparison  with  nearby  industrial  boroughs  (Table  2). 
Facts  obtained  as  to  the  birthplace  of  men  employed  in  the 
mill  in  July,  1907,  the  greater  number  of  whom  live  in  Homestead, 
give  with  fair  accuracy  the  racial  groups  represented  in  the  present 
foreign  born  population.  Of  6772  employes,  1925,  or  28.4  per 
cent,  were  native  white,  121  colored,  398  English,  259  Irish, 
129  Scotch,  176  German,  3603  Slavs,*  and   161   other  European 

*  In  this  book  "Slav"  is  used  as  a  general  term  to  include  Magyars  and 
Lithuanians,  as  well  as  those  belonging  to  the  Slavic  race.  For  an  exhaustive 
and  thoroughly  interesting  account  of  the  immigration  to  this  country  from 
Austro-Hungary  see  Balch,  Emily  Greene:  Our  Slavic  Fellow  Citizens.  New  York, 
Charities  Publication  Committee,  191  o. 

12 


,.# 


# 


-■r 


Drawn  by  Joseph  Stella 


Of  the  Old  Time  Irish  Immigration 


THE    MAKE-UP   OF  THE   TOWN 

TABLE     I. — TOTAL    POPULATION,    AND    NUMBER    AND    PER  CENT  OF 
NATIVE    AND    FOREIGN    BORN    IN    HOMESTEAD,    igOO      


Total 
Popula- 

Native White 
of  Native  Pa- 
rents 

Native  White 
of  Foreign  Pa- 
rents 

Foreign  Born 
White 

Colored 

tion 

Number 

Per  cent 

Number 

Percent 

Number 

Per  cent 

Number 

Per  cent 

12,554 

4528 

36.0 

378. 

30.1 

3594 

28.6 

65, 

5-2 

TABLE    2. — TOTAL    POPULATION,    AND    PER   CENT  OF   NATIVE    WHITE 
AND     FOREIGN      BORN      IN     FOUR     BOROUGHS     OF     ALLEGHENY 


COUNTY,   I9OO* 

Native 

Native 

White   of 

White   of 

Foreign 

Colored 

Total 
Popu- 

Native 

Foreign 

Born  White 

Borough 

Parents 

Parents 

lation 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

Braddock 

15654 

4887 

31.2 

5098 

32.6 

5105 

32.6 

564 

3-6 

Duquesne 

9036 

27£5 
2088 

30.6 

2628 

29.1 

3448 

38.2 

195 

2.2 

Millvale 

6736 

31.0 

3056 

45-4 

.58. 

23.5 

1 1 

0.2 

Sharpsburg 

6842 

2766 

40.4 

2539 

37-i 

1279 

18.7 

258 

3.8 

TABLE  3. — TOTAL  EMPLOYES,  AND  NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT  OF 
VARIOUS  RACIAL  GROUPS  IN  THE  HOMESTEAD  PLANT,  CARNEGIE 
STEEL   CO.,    JULY,     I907 


Total 

Number  and  Per  cent  of 

Em- 
ployes 

Native 
White 

English 

Irish 

Scotch 

German 

Other 

Euro- 
peans 

Slav 

Colored 

6772 

1925 

398 

259 

129 

,76 

.61 

3603 

121 

1 00.0 

28.4 

16.6 

53-2 

1.8 

*Twelfth  U.  S.  Census,  1900. 
13 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

nationalities.  These  figures  show  the  absence  of  Italians  as  a 
factor  in  the  labor  situation  in  the  mills,  and  the  predominance 
of  Slavs,  who  form  over  53  per  cent  of  the  total  number  employed. 

As  Germans  and  British  tend  to  amalgamate  with  the  native 
whites  the  community  has  fallen  more  or  less  naturally  into  two 
major  groups, — the  English-speaking  and  the  Slavs. 

The  Negroes  form  a  third  group,  much  fewer  in  numbers, 
allied  to  the  first  group  by  a  common  speech,  but  resembling  the 
second  in  the  attitude  toward  them  in  the  earlier  days  when 
they  were  looked  down  upon  as  intruders  of  alien  blood.  In 
Homestead,  Negroes  are  not  engaged  in  domestic  service  as  in 
most  northern  cities,  but  are  employed  in  the  mill  or  in  the  building 
trades.  Of  those  who  are  now  in  the  mills,  some  came  in  the  first 
instance  as  strike  breakers  and  have  advanced  to  well-paid 
positions.  I  call  to  mind  especially  a  man  who,  starting  as  a 
laborer,  is  now  a  roller,  the  highest  skilled  of  the  steel  workers. 
These  men  have  in  the  main  come  to  adopt  the  same  standards 
as  their  white  neighbors,  and  are  usually  treated  with  genuine 
respect  by  the  latter,  but  there  is  still  some  sense  of  resentment 
roused  by  the  success  of  the  Negroes  or  their  pretensions  to 
gentility.  An  interesting  instance  of  this  attitude  came  to  my 
attention.  A  white  woman  who  had  been  for  many  years  a 
resident  of  Homestead  was  especially  vexed  because  a  nearby 
house  had  been  sold  to  a  Negro.  Some  weeks  later  I  visited  the 
wife  of  this  colored  property  owner,  who  had  been  ill,  and  she 
told  me  feelingly  how  good  her  white  neighbors  had  been  to  her. 
She  spoke  especially  of  this  older  resident  who  had  complained 
to  me,  and  mentioned  how  she  had  brought  dainties  and  finally 
helped  persuade  her  to  go  to  the  hospital.  Thus,  though  social 
distinctions  still  exist  and  the  colored  people  have  their  own 
lodges  and  churches,  the  more  prosperous  among  them  are  winning 
respect.* 

The  break  between  the  Slavs  and  the  rest  of  the  community 
is  on  the  whole  more  absolute  than  that  between  the  whites  and 

*There  is  a  totally  different  class  of  colored  people,  who  run  houses  of 
ill  fame  and  gambling  resorts  on  Sixth  Avenue;  a  "  sporty "  element  which 
is  much  in  evidence  and  creates  for  the  race  an  unpleasant  notoriety.  These 
people  frequently  appear  in  police  courts  and  form  a  low  element  in  the  town's 
life. 

14 


THE   MAKE-UP   OF  THE   TOWN 

the  Negroes.  Neither  in  lodge  nor  in  church,  nor,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  in  school,  do  the  two  mingle.  Even  their  living  places 
are  separated;  the  Second  Ward,  except  for  those  who  owned 
homes  there  in  earlier  years,  has  been  largely  abandoned  to  the 
newer  immigrants.  This  sharp  division,  while  partly  due  to  the 
barrier  which  differences  in  language  and  custom  create,  is  in- 
tensified by  a  feeling  of  scorn  for  the  newcomers  on  the  part  of 
the  older  residents.  They  are  "Hunkies,"  that  is  all,  and  many 
an  American  workman  who  earns  but  a  few  cents  a  day  more 
looks  upon  them  with  an  utter  absence  of  kinship.  The  more 
intelligent  Slavs,  who  desire  better  things  for  their  people,  feel 
this  lack  of  understanding  keenly,  for  they  realize  the  handicap 
it  means  in  their  upward  struggle. 

The  change  from  the  early  homogeneous  group  of  workmen 
in  Homestead  is  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  general  tide  of 
immigrants  now  setting  toward  the  United  States  comes  from  the 
Slavic  countries,  and  in  part  to  the  increasing  demand  for  manual 
laborers  able  to  do  the  hard,  unskilled  work  in  the  mills.  This 
heavy  labor  the  English-speaking  group  is  now  less  willing  to 
perform  and  here  the  Slav  finds  his  opportunity. 

The  population  of  the  town  has  also  been  affected  by  the 
fact  that  the  steel  industry  calls  for  the  work  of  men  only.  In 
the  census  for  1900,  we  find  that  of  the  12,554  people  in  Homestead 
borough,  7,141,  or  56.9  per  cent,  were  males,  while  in  Allegheny 
County  as  a  whole  the  males  formed  52  per  cent,  and  in  the 
entire  United  States  but  51.2.  The  preponderance  of  males  was 
even  greater  among  the  immigrant  population  in  Homestead, 
constituting  63.4  per  cent  of  the  foreign  born.  Furthermore,  of 
the  men  employed  in  the  mill,  35.3  per  cent  are  unmarried,  though 
only  10.2  per  cent  are  under  twenty.  The  large  transient  bodyi 
of  single  men,  as  we  shall  see  in  Chapter  XI,  constitutes  a  serious/ 
menace  to  home  life  among  the  Slavs.  Other  transients  are  also 
numerous,  and  their  presence  lessens  the  effective  civic  force  of 
the  community.  Among  them  are  many  young  college  graduates 
employed  in  the  mechanical  departments  of  the  mill,  who  do  not 
consider  themselves  permanent  residents.  My  acquaintance  with 
those  met  in  two  boarding  houses  in  Homestead  showed  me  that 
their  interest  in  the  town  was  casual.     Few  take  any  active  share 

15 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

either  in  local  politics  or  in  movements  to  improve  local  condi- 
tions. 

The  families  of  the  English-speaking  workers,  however,  are 
bound  together  by  common  interests  and  common  ties.  They 
live  near  enough  to  see  each  other  easily,  their  lives  are  molded 
by  similar  forces  and  as  a  result  a  more  than  usual  degree  of  sym- 
pathy exists  among  them.  This  is  shown  perhaps  most  strikingly 
in  the  great  kindnesses  of  neighbor  to  neighbor  in  times  of  distress. 
Such  acts  are  not  looked  upon  as  charity.  If  a  man  is  ill,  the  men 
in  his  mill  take  up  a  collection  for  his  needs  as  friend  for  friend, 
knowing  that  when  the  need  is  theirs  he  will  return  the  kindness. 
A  man  told  me  of  his  experience  when  he  was  laid  up  four  months 
with  rheumatism.  He  had  begun  to  worry  about  bills,  for  when 
pay  day  came  no  pay  was  due  him.  But  his  "buddy"  walked 
in  with  an  envelope  containing  a  sum  of  money.  Later,  when 
this  was  exhausted,  the  men  made  another  gift.  He  accepted  it 
very  simply,  almost  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  thought  of  similar 
gifts  he  had  made,  and  others  he  would  make,  keeping  him  from 
feeling  any  sense  of  obligation.  This  sense  of  community  of 
interest  I  found  helped  greatly  to  strengthen  the  fraternal  organ- 
izations. 

In  the  main,  then,  this  is  a  town  of  wage-earners.  None  of 
those  extremes  of  wealth  and  social  position  that  exist  in  cities 
are  found  here.  There  is  a  small  social  circle  composed  of  business 
and  professional  men  and  the  officials  in  the  mill.  As  some  of 
the  most  skilled  workmen  earn  more  than  the  minor  officials 
over  them,  the  line  between  workmen  and  superintendents  is 
not  a  sharp  one.  In  the  days  of  small  industries  the  mill  owner 
lived  in  the  mill  town,  maintaining  there  his  social  as  well  as 
economic  leadership,  stimulating  its  activities  and  playing  his 
part  in  movements  for  its  well-being.  But  the  individual  mill 
owner  is  a  thing  of  the  past.  Stockholders  have  taken  his  place. 
They  are  scattered  all  over  the  country  and  know  their  property 
only  as  a  source  of  dividends,  giving  in  return  neither  interest 
nor  stimulus  to  the  workers;  and  managers  and  superintendents, 
however  public  spirited,  shift  and  change. 


16 


/  -w/ 


Drawn  by  Joseph  Stella 


k 


I  &#  - 


Head:    Slavic  Day  Laborer 


THE    MAKE-UP    OF   THE   TOWN 

These  are  some  of  the  changes  in  the  social  make-up  of  the 
borough  which  have  come  with  that  business  development  which 
has  made  the  Homestead  mills  part  of  a  national  industry,  and 
with  that  labor  policy  which  has  opened  the  doors  to  all  comers 
and  has  tolerated  no  control  of  the  situation  by  the  men  on  the 
ground.  Under  such  conditions  of  growth  it  is  well  to  ask  how 
adequately  the  physical  difficulties  of  building  a  town  on  the  river 
bank  have  been  mastered;  what  has  been  the  development  of  civic 
and  political  institutions  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  changing  com- 
munity; and  what  the  economic  development  of  the  borough, 
outside  of  the  great  industry  itself  . 

My  inquiry  into  these  things  has  been  limited  intentionally 
to  certain  aspects  of  the  situation  as  reflected  in  the  household 
life. 

We  have  seen  that  industrial  factors — easy  access  to  ores, 
water,  transportation,  etc. — made  Homestead  an  ideal  mill  site. 
As  a  site  for  a  town  it  is  not  ideal.*  The  river  in  hollowing  its 
way  through  the  hills  sometimes  left  a  narrow  rim  along  its  banks, 
but  more  often  the  descent  to  the  water's  edge  is  abrupt.  The 
larger  level  space  at  a  sharp  bend  was  chosen  as  the  site  for  the 
mill.  As  the  plant  was  at  first  small  the  buildings  did  not  monop- 
olize the  entire  river  front,  and  the  low  ground  then  open  to 
the  river  furnished  ample  room  for  the  homes  of  the  workers. 
The  mill,  however,  grew  rapidly  and  spread  over  more  and  more  of 
the  level,  till  now  its  buildings  stretch  for  a  mile  along  the  water. 
In  its  growth  it  has  encroached  on  some  of  the  territory  already 
occupied  by  houses.  The  last  to  go  were  the  rows  of  little  shanties 
inside  the  mill  grounds  erected  to  shelter  the  strike  breakers  of 
1892, — a  settlement  called  Potterville,  after  the  superintendent 
in  charge  during  the  strike.  These  houses  were  demolished  some 
four  years  ago  and  the  tenants  had  to  move  to  the  already 
crowded  districts  just  outside.  This  congestion,  due  to  the  desire 
of  the  employes  for  homes  near  their  work,  is  increased  by  the 
steepness  of  the  hill  behind,  a  weary  climb  after  the  labor  of  the 
day.  As  the  site  of  the  mill  was  extended  up  the  river,  houses 
were  built  further  along  the  hillside  and  also  along  the  ravines 
where  the  slope  was  more  gradual.     In  this  way  the  town  pushed 

*See  map,  facing  page  1. 
I7 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

out  beyond  the  narrow  triangle  with  its  base  on  the  river,  which 
formed  the  original  borough.  Instead,  however,  of  extending 
the  boundaries  of  Homestead  to  cover  this  new  territory  two 
additional  boroughs  were  created,  Munhall  on  the  east  and  West 
Homestead  on  the  west.  Consequently  we  have  the  curious 
anomaly  of  a  town  that  is  a  social  and  industrial  unit  parceled 
off  into  three  politically  independent  boroughs. 

Munhall,  the  eastern  part  of  the  hill,  was  originally  sepa- 
rated from  Homestead  by  a  ravine,  and  was  largely  the  property 
of  John  Munhall,  one  of  the  oldest  residents  of  the  town.  Ad- 
joining was  the  site  of  the  Pittsburgh  City  Poor  Farm.  It  was 
here  that  the  state  militia  were  quartered  in  1892.  Soon  after  the 
strike,  the  property  was  bought  up  by  the  Carnegie  Land  Company, 
now  a  constituent  part  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 
Before  any  lots  were  offered  for  sale,  streets  were  laid  out,  sewers, 
running  water  and  electricity  put  in,  and  houses  planned 
and  erected.  The  majority  of  the  larger  houses  were  sold 
to  mill  employes,  and  those  that  the  company  still  owns  can 
only  be  rented  by  them.  In  1 901,  on  application  of  the  property 
owners,  the  borough  was  incorporated.*  It  included  not  only 
the  land  owned  by  the  Carnegie  Land  Company,  but  three- 
quarters  of  the  mill  property  itself.  Munhall  thus  forms  a  geo- 
graphical triangle  similar  to  Homestead,  the  mill  occupying  the 
base  on  the  river  and  the  residence  portion  lying  on  the  hill 
above. 

Beyond  Munhall  lies  the  "Hollow,"  a  deep  ravine  with  a 
meandering  stream  at  the  bottom  and  with  irregular  rows  of 
houses,  often  hardly  more  than  shanties,  on  either  hand.  Forty- 
four  acres  of  land  hang  upon  the  sides  of  the  two  abrupt  hills. 
The  land  is  owned  by  the  John  Munhall  Estate;  and  the  250 
frame,  box-like  houses,  many  of  them  no  larger  than  two  rooms, 

*This  action  was  taken  under  a  provision  of  the  state  constitution  that 
any  section  of  a  township  may,  with  the  approval  of  the  county  court,  be  formed 
into  a  borough  on  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  its  electors.  The  site  of  the  Carne- 
gie steel  plant  at  Homestead  was  formerly  part  of  Mifflin  township  and  the  town- 
ship collected  all  the  tax.  It  was  found  that  the  tax  rate  on  other  parts  of  the 
township  was  being  reduced  to  a  minimum  while  the  bulk  of  the  tax  receipts 
coming  from  the  steel  plant  was  being  used  in  rural  parts  and  very  little  spent 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  works.  The  new  borough  of  Munhall  was  organized 
and  the  taxes  paid  by  the  works  were  thereafter  expended  within  its  boundaries. 


THE    MAKE-UP    OF    THE    TOWN 

are  owned  mostly  by  unskilled  laborers  in  the  mills.  The  Munhall 
Estate  lets  the  land  upon  which  the  workers  build  their  houses 
on  ten-year  leases.  Like  the  Cabbage  Patch  in  which  the  Wiggses 
lived,  it  is  a  "queer  neighborhood  where  ramshackle  cottages 
play  hop-scotch"  over  the  crooked  ditch  and  up  the  hillsides. 
The  property  is  not  surveyed  into  streets,  there  being  only  one 
public  thoroughfare,  an  unpaved  dirt  road  running  lengthwise  of 
the  hollow;  and,  along  most  of  the  road,  the  owner  seems  in 
building  his  house  to  have  "faced  it  any  way  his  fancy  prompted." 
The  borough  has  installed  street  lights  along  this  road,  and  has 
placed  perhaps  half  a  dozen  upon  the  private  property  of  the 
estate;   but  there  are  no  sewers  nor  other  public  improvements. 

A  branch  line  of  street  cars  running  through  the  Hollow 
connects  with  a  rather  promising  suburb  called  Homeville,  built 
on  the  hill  slopes  at  the  end  of  the  ravine.  Another  branch  line 
runs  straight  back  from  the  river  over  the  top  of  the  hill  to  Home- 
stead Park  and  Lincoln  Place,  suburbs  attractively  situated  on 
high  ground.  Whitaker,  which  adjoins  Munhall  to  the  east, 
has  a  population  of  about  2000,  largely  wage-earners.  As  these 
men  work  in  the  mill,  and  their  families  shop  in  Homestead, 
they  might  fairly  be  included  in  the  Homestead  census.  Hays, 
toward  Pittsburgh,  is  another  borough  that  is  at  least  in  a  meas- 
ure a  part  of  the  Homestead  community. 

Nearer  by,  formed  by  the  extension  of  Homestead  to  the 
west,  in  much  the  same  way  that  Munhall  was  created  to  the  east, 
is  West  Homestead.  Disregarding  the  outlying  settlements, 
these  three  boroughs  may  be  said  to  make  up  the  fairly  compact 
but  politically  divided  community  which  has  been  gathered  to- 
gether by  the  Homestead  mill.  Though  West  Homestead  con- 
tains less  wealth  than  Munhall,  it  includes  the  plant  of  the  Mesta 
Machine  Company,  the  only  other  considerable  industry  in  the 
town.  Each  of  these  separate  boroughs  elects  its  own  officials, 
makes  its  own  ordinances,  and  provides  through  taxation  for  its 
own  needs.  Through  this  division  the  taxable  properties  of  the 
great  industries  are  separated  from  the  central  borough,  which 
has  by  far  the  largest  population  and  which,  with  the  exception  of 
Munhall  Hollow,  includes  the  sections  where  the  poorest  workers 
live.     On  this  point,   I  can  quote  from  Shelby  M.   Harrison,  a 

19 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

colleague  in  the  work  of  the  Pittsburgh  Survey,  who  compares 
the  fiscal  situation  in  Homestead  and  Munhall  as  follows : 

The  mill-worker  resident  in  Homestead  is  affected  by 
the  tax  question  from  at  least  two  directions.  First,  over 
three-fourths  of  the  mill  property  is  located  in  Munhall 
borough  where,  except  in  1907,  the  tax  rate  has  never 
been  over  half  that  in  Homestead,  the  borough  in  which  a 
majority  of  the  mill  workers  live.  In  1907,  property  in 
Munhall  paid  a  total  borough  and  school  tax  of  8J  mills 
on  the  dollar,  while  in  the  same  year  Homestead  property 
paid  15  mills.*  This  artificial  division  into  separate  taxing 
districts  of  a  community  which  is  in  practically  all  senses  a 


TABLE    4.— HOMESTEAD    AND    MUNHALL   TAXES,    I907 


Assessed 

Valuation  of 

Property 

MlLLAGE 

Total  Tax 

Boroughs 

1 

0 
0 

CO 

3j 

Munhall     .... 
Homestead 

§6,957.630 
9,120,765 

3i 

4! 

7 

81 
'5 

%  57.400.45 
136,81 1.48 

Total  .... 

$16,078,395 

$194,211.93 

unit,  however  that  division  may  have  come  about,  relieves 
the  Steel  Corporation  from  much  of  its  local  responsibility 
as  a  property  holder.  Its  relief  means  a  heavier  burden 
upon  the  residents  of  Homestead;  some  one  must  build 
and  maintain  schools  and  public  works,  protect  person  and 
property,  and  support  local  government.  The  burden  is 
further  accentuated  by  the  tendency  among  assessors,  com- 
mon in  all  industrial  centers,  to  value  small  properties  at 
much  nearer  their  full  market  value  than  they  do  large 
properties — especially  large  manufacturing  plants.  Con- 
servative estimates  by  persons  familiar  with  the  situation 

*  In  1908,  the  rates  were,  Munhall,  8|  mills,  Homestead,  16  mills;  in  1909, 
Munhall,  81  mills,  Homestead,  18  mills.  In  1910,  with  no  statement  or  explana- 
tion to  the  taxpayers,  the  Homestead  borough  council  jumped  the  borough  millage 
from  10  to  13.  The  school  tax  for  191  o  is  9  mills,  the  total  local  rate  thus  reaching 
22  mills,  or  2.2  per  cent  of  the  assessed  value  of  property,  a  rate  2|  times  that  in 
Munhall. 


THE   MAKE-UP   OF  THE   TOWN 

indicate  that  the  mill  property  in  both  boroughs  is  not 
assessed  upon  more  than  30  per  cent  of  its  actual  value, 
whereas  Homestead  residence  property  will  average  an 
assessed  valuation  equal  to  80  per  cent  of  its  market  value. 
Thus,  in  reality,  the  tax  rate  upon  much  the  greater  part  of 
the  mill  property  must  be  more  than  cut  in  two  for  pur- 
poses of  comparison.  A  rate  of  8£  mills  on  a  30  per  cent 
valuation  is  equal  to  2.5  mills  on  full  valuation;  and  15 
mills  on  an  80  per  cent  valuation  equals  12  mills  on  full 
value;  so  that  the  real  tax  rates  closely  approximate  2.5 
mills  for  the  corporation  against  12  mills,  practically  five 
times  as  much,  for  the  everyday  Homestead  taxpayer.  The 
same  percentages  would  hold  with  respect  to  county  taxes. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  this  social  and  industrial  unit 
were  made  a  municipal  unit,  then  instead  of  Munhall  paying 
a  tax  of  8|  mills  on  the  dollar,  as  in  1907,  and  Homestead 
paying  15  mills  on  the  dollar,  the  united  boroughs  could 
receive  the  same  total  revenues  as  before  by  paying  12  mills 
upon  the  same  valuations.  This  would  reduce  the  tax  rate 
for  the  Homestead  householder  by  three  mills,  or  20  per 
cent  less  than  his  present  rates.  It  would  raise  the  tax  rate 
on  a  majority  of  the  corporation  property  3!  mills,  or  45  per 
cent.  Raising  the  assessed  valuation  of  the  property  of 
the  steel  company  to  the  general  level  would  reduce  the 
householders'  rates  still  further. 

Second,  the  Homestead  borough  government  aggra- 
vates this  heavy  burden  of  taxation  instead  of  lightening  it. 
In  direct  contrast  to  conditions  in  Munhall,  where  the 
influence  of  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company  practically  domin- 
ates borough  action  and  has  made  the  local  government 
efficient  and  without  suspicion  of  graft,  an  appreciable  part 
of  Homestead's  public  funds  has  been  squandered  upon 
enterprises  that  have  failed,  the  cost  of  improvements  is 
excessive,  and  the  city's  finances  are  looked  after  in  an 
utterly  haphazard  fashion.  In  1907-8,  $95,000  was  out- 
standing as  delinquent  taxes — much  over  half  the  sum 
annually  assessed  in  taxes  for  the  borough.  Although  the 
borough  bears  a  big  debt  burden,  and  although  its  bonds 
stipulate  that  a  sinking  fund  must  be  established  for  their 
retirement,  no  sinking  fund  has  existed  for  a  number  of 
years.  Yet  borrowing  is  resorted  to  with  small  concern. 
In  1907  the  bonded  debt  amounted  to  $441,500,  and  the 
current  debt  to  $16,933, — $458,000  in  all.*     The   borough 

*  In  March,  19 10,  the  borough  was  $621,776.03  in  debt, — certainly  near,  if 
not  actually  beyond,  the  limit  of  its  borrowing  privilege, — and  was  arranging  to 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

has  been  selling  bonds  from  time  to  time  to  pay  current 
expenses— a  broad,  easy,  spendthrift  course,  paved  with 
engraved  promises,  which,  if  persisted  in,  must  lead  to 
ultimate  loss  of  credit  and  bankruptcy." 

The  mill's  escape,  then,  from  the  local  government  burden, 
and  the  town's  aggravation  of  that  burden,  come  down  on  the 
families  of  working  people,  either  as  house-owners  or  as  payers  of 
the  high  rents  current  in  the  borough. 

HOMESTEAD   AS   A  CIVIC  UNIT 

It  is  with  Homestead  borough  in  1907-8  that  this  household 
study  is  primarily  concerned,  and  in  judging  its  public  activities 
we  must  consider  the  limitations  of  borough  resources  noted,  and 
the  state  restrictions  upon  borough  authority,  coupled  with  the 
industrial  conditions  which,  as  we  shall  see,  circumscribe  the 
effective  citizenship  of  the  mill  workers.  These  have  had  a  part 
in  the  failures  in  self-government  which  have  characterized  this 
community,  along  with  many  others  in  America.  For  while  the 
town  has  grown  steadily  both  in  population  and  territory,  civic 
interest  and  the  well-being  resulting  from  sound  political  organiza- 
tion have  not  kept  pace  with  this  growth.  The  school  board  and 
the  board  of  health  have  the  respect  of  the  town,  and  men  of 
standing  are  willing  to  serve  on  them.  But  the  borough  legisla- 
ture, a  council  of  fifteen  members,  has  been  controlled  in  Home- 
stead by  the  type  of  small  politician  to  be  found  in  office  wherever 
wholesale  liquor  dealers  dominate  politics  and  where  the  local 
government  is  used  merely  as  a  feeder  for  a  state  political  machine  * 
Townspeople  with  whom  I  talked  had  apparently  ceased  to  expect 
intelligent  action  on  their  part.     Serious  charges  of  dishonesty  in 

float  $45,000  additional  bonds.  The  borough  clerk's  published  estimates  of  muni- 
cipal assets  total  only  $509,874.28  —over  §100,000  less  than  its  total  indebtedness. 
In  authorizing  the  new  bonds  a  resolution  was  adopted  providing  for  the  main- 
tenance of  a  sinking  fund  in  the  future.  Homestead  borough's  system  of  public 
accounting  is  neither  a  system  nor  accounting;  the  borough  treasurer  was  not  only 
without  a  personal  bond  for  several  months  recently,  but  he  allowed  several  thou- 
sand dollars  of  certificates  to  go  to  protest  while  the  books  of  the  clerk  showed  that 
the  treasurer  had  money  of  the  borough  in  his  possession  sufficient  to  pay  them. 
Some  years  the  borough  auditors  have  not  audited  the  accounts  of  the  treasurer 
giving  as  a  reason  that  the  treasurer  kept  no  books. 

*  John  F.  Cox,  the  Republican  "boss"  of  the  borough,  was  in  1908  speaker 
of  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Representatives,  which  has  long  since  ceased  to 
represent  the  people  of  Pennsylvania. 

22 


''The  Mansion" 
The  company-owned  home  of  the  Superintendent.     The  purpose  in  providing  it 
is,  of  course,  to  make  it  practicable  for  the  responsible  executive  to  be  within  call 
of  the  works. 


Pholn  by  Tline 

The  Street 
Homestead's  only  outdoor  playground  in  1907.     These  children,  through  no 
will  of  their  own,  live  within  sound  of  the  mill.     There  was  as  yet  no  provision  for 
their  simplest  recreational  needs  in  the  scheme  of  things  laid  out  by  their  elders. 


THE   MAKE-UP   OF   THE   TOWN 

awarding  bids  for  a  garbage  plant  and  of  bribery  in  connection 
with  other  matters  had  been  brought  against  members  in  1904. 
While  the  testimony  given  at  the  investigation  leaves  no  doubt 
in  the  mind  of  the  reader  that  there  had  been  crooked  dealings, 
it  was  suppressed  and  led  to  no  action. 

Apart  from  these  allegations  of  dishonesty,  the  council  has 
acquired  a  reputation  for  general  inefficiency.  It  has  been  slow 
to  insist  on  sanitary  regulations  necessitated  by  the  increasing 
density  of  population.  The  first  forward  step  from  the  primitive 
sanitation  of  village  days  was  taken  the  year  after  the  strike,  when 
the  streets  were  paved,  and  sewers  and  town  water  put  in.  A 
large  percentage  of  the  houses,  especially  the  cheaper  ones, 
nevertheless  had  neither  running  water  nor  toilets  in  them  in 
1907-8.* 

The  water  supply  of  the  borough  is  drawn  from  the  Monon- 
gahela  River.  This  stream  is  contaminated  by  the  sewage  of 
many  small  towns,  as  well  as  of  two  cities,  McKeesport  and  Con- 
nellsville,  the  former  with  a  population  of  about  40,000  and  the 
latter  of  10,000.  In  addition  the  water,  some  of  which  drains 
from  the  mines,  has  been  used  over  and  over  for  the  processes  of 
steel  and  coke  manufacture,  and  is  impregnated  with  chemicals, 
especially  sulphuric  acid.  One  Homestead  resident  said,  "No 
respectable  microbe  would  live  in  it."  In  this  probably  lies  the 
explanation  of  why  the  typhoid  death  rate  in  Homestead  has  been 
low  (6  deaths  in  1907)  in  contrast  to  Pittsburgh.  While  these 
chemicals  may  destroy  the  bacteria  to  a  considerable  extent,  they 
are  not  in  themselves  ingredients  of  good  drinking  water.  This 
water  was  formerly  pumped  directly  from  the  river  into  the 
reservoir,  but  in  1904-5  a  number  of  wells  were  driven  at  a  short 
distance  from  the  river,  with  the  idea  that  the  water  draining  into 
them  would  thus  be  gravel-filtered  before  it  was  pumped  into  the 
reservoir.  I  was  told,  however,  by  a  physician  and  a  town  official 
that  these  wells  do  not  supply  enough  water,  and  that  when  they 
give  out  the  reservoir  is  again  filled  directly  from  the  stream. 
After  this  plant  was  constructed  the  water  was  analyzed  by  the 

*Tam  told  that  there  has  been  a  marked  increase  in  these  sanitary  improve- 
ments since.  (See  Appendix  VI.  p.  222.  Report,  Homestead  Board  of  Health 
For  comment  on  the  Pittsburgh  Survey,  see  p.  224.) 

23 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

state  board  of  health  and  reported  safe  for  drinking.  When  I 
first  went  to  live  in  Homestead  I  attempted  to  use  water  that  had 
been  boiled  but  not  filtered,  and  found  it  exceedingly  distasteful. 
Local  physicians  forbid  people  to  drink  the  borough  water  unless 
it  has  been  boiled  and  filtered,  and  many  refuse  to  use  it  at  all 
for  drinking  purposes. 

Most  residents  seemed  to  accept  such  a  situation  as  a  matter 
of  course.  Until  recently  conditions  in  Pittsburgh  and  McKees- 
port  have  been  equally  bad,*  so  that  Homestead  had  no  compelling 
nearby  example  to  make  its  people  realize  that  a  satisfactory 
water  system  was  possible.  Instead  of  attempting  to  improve 
the  town  supply,  many  have  drawn  their  drinking  water  from  wells. 
No  ordinances  govern  the  location  of  these  wells.  In  the  courts 
of  Slavic  dwellings  they  are  often  near  drains  which  carry  waste 
water  to  the  privy  vaults,  and  when  the  pavements  are  broken 
this  water  must  leak  into  the  wells  with  but  little  filtration. 
Moreover,  the  board  of  health  does  not  inspect  the  wells  nor 
analyze  the  water  from  them,  except  at  private  expense.  One 
outbreak  of  typhoid  was  traced  directly  to  a  well  which  had  been 
used  by  a  number  of  families  because  the  water  was  supposed  to 
be  particularly  good. 

Not  only  is  the  quality  of  the  water  supplied  by  the  borough 
of  Homestead  poor,  but  there  is  no  ordinance  requiring  running 
water  in  tenements.  The  borough  clerk  does  not  know  how  many 
houses  are  without  it  since  he  charges  the  water  tax  to  each  property 
holder  in  a  lump  sum  with  no  indication  as  to  the  number  of 
families  supplied.  The  landlords,  who  seem  to  be  influential  with 
the  council,  naturally  oppose  such  a  requirement,  and  becaus  : 
of  a  shortage  in  dwelling  houses  have  been  under  no  pressure 
to  put  in  water  taps  in  order  to  rent  the  older  or  cheaper  buildings. 
The  men  with  larger  wages  and  more  influence  move  into  houses 
which  at  least  have  running  water  in  the  kitchens.  Immigrant 
laborers  continue  to  carry  water  in  and  out  from  a  common 
hydrant  in  the  court.  In  different  sections,  also,  I  found  young 
American  families  who  had  no  running  water  in  the  house,  and 

*  Munhall  borough  today  purchases  filtered  water  from  the  South  Pitts- 
burgh Water  Company.  McKeesport  treats  and  mechanically  filters  its  water; 
Pittsburgh  has  built  huge  sand  filtration  beds.  These  plants  have  been  put 
into  operation  within  the  last  three  years. 

24 


THE    MAKE-UP   OF  THE   TOWN 

who  complained  that  they  could  not  afford  to  move  to  better 
quarters.  But  though  the  husbands  had  votes  and  had  friends 
with  votes,  it  apparently  never  occurred  to  them  to  attempt  to 
secure  what  they  wanted  through  public  action. 

More  serious  is  the  indifference  of  many  of  the  residents, 
including  the  officials,  to  the  evils  resulting  from  unflushed 
privy  vaults.  Though  a  borough  ordinance  requires  that  vaults 
be  connected  with  the  sewer,  it  demands  no  adequate  means  of 
flushing  them.  Physicians  felt  that  conditions  in  the  Second 
Ward  near  the  mill  were  so  bad  that  the  council  should  pass  an 
ordinance  requiring  that  all  closets  be  placed  within  the  house 
and  properly  flushed;  yet  no  steps  were  taken  to  secure  it.  There 
are,  furthermore,  no  building  laws,  except  one  which  requires  that 
buildings  on  the  business  streets  shall  be  fireproof.  In  regulating 
overcrowding  or  other  unsanitary  conditions  the  board  of  health 
has  authority  to  act  in  cases  which  can  be  classed  as  nuisances.* 
Under  the  authority  thus  granted  it  has  insisted  in  many  instances 
upon  the  cleansing  of  vaults,  the  destruction  of  particularly  un- 
sanitary closets,  and  upon  turning  some  of  the  boarders  out  of 
especially  overcrowded  tenements.  Thus,  in  1907  the  sanitary 
officers  reported  that  they  had  compelled  the  cleaning  of  848 
yards  and  176  cellars,  and  the  opening  of  254  closets;  forced 
owners  to  abandon  42  outside  closets  and  place  new  ones  in  houses; 
had  201  stopped  sewers  cleaned  and  48  new  sewer  connections 
made;  removed  64  boarders  from  overcrowded  houses  and  com- 
pelled the  cleaning  of  48  rooms  found  in  unsanitary  condition 
and  the  windows  of  161  rooms  in  residences  and  of  12  in  schools. 
There  are,  however,  no  municipal  regulations  as  to  overcrowding, 
ventilation  or  sanitation  that  would  create  specific  standards 
which  all  property  owners  might  be  compelled  to  meet. 

The  death  rate  for  1907,  24  per  1000,  indicated  the  need  of 

*  Borough  Ordinance: — Whatever  is  dangerous  to  human  life  or  health; 
whatever  renders  the  air  or  food  or  water  or  other  drinks  unwholesome;  and 
whatever  building,  erection  or  part  or  cellar  thereof  is  overcrowded  or  not 
provided  with  adequate  means  of  ingress  and  egress,  or  is  not  sufficiently 
supported,  ventilated,  sewered,  drained,  cleaned  or  lighted,  are  declared  to 
be  nuisances,  and  to  be  illegal,  and  every  person  having  aided  in  creating  or 
contributing  to  the  same,  or  who  may  support,  continue  or  retain  any  of  them, 
shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  violation  of  this  ordinance,  and  also  be  liable  for 
the  expense  of  the  abatement  and  remedy  thereof. 

25 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

further  sanitary  precautions.  Of  the  416  deaths,  94,  or  22.6  per 
cent,  were  from  pneumonia  and  tuberculosis,  and  65,  or  15.6  per 
cent,  were  from  marasmus,  cholera  infantum  and  convulsions. 
That  is,  38.2  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  deaths  were  from 
diseases  closely  connected  with  lack  of  sufficient  air,  good  food 
and  intelligent  care  of  children. 

Altogether,  the  public  seems  to  take  little  active  interest 
in  the  situation.  The  burgess,*  in  1908,  reported  that  the  results 
of  an  investigation  of  overcrowding  in  the  lodging  houses,  which 
he  himself  had  made,  aroused  no  general  interest. 

Inefficient  as  the  local  government  may  be  in  dealing  with 
sanitary  problems,  the  general  run  of  landlords  give  no  evidence  of 
a  greater  sense  of  responsibility  for  solving  them.  This  is  illustrated 
in  the  conditions  permitted  by  the  big  private  estate  in  the  adjoin- 
ing borough  of  Munhall.  The  "run"  in  Munhall  Hollow  amounts  to 
an  open  sewer  bringing  down  filth  and  debris  from  other  settle- 
ments farther  up  the  valley  through  which  its  tributaries  pass. 
In  the  hot  summer  months,  the  stench  becomes  almost  unbearable, 
making  it  frequently  necessary  to  haul  lime  in  by  the  wagon  load, 
to  be  dumped  along  the  bed  of  the  creek.  When  the  rains  are 
heavy  in  the  spring,  the  valley  is  often  so  flooded  that  the  water 
fills  many  of  the  cellars  and  even  comes  in  much  above  the  first 
floors  of  the  houses  at  the  lower  end  of  the  hollow. 

It  may  be  well  to  note  how  this  peculiar  form  of  landlordism 
affects  the  home  life  of  a  considerable  group  of  mill  employes.  The 
system  of  leasing  followed  by  the  Munhall  Estate  makes  it  more  or 
less  easy  to  shift  responsibility  for  the  continuance  of  primitive  con- 
ditions in  the  Hollow.  By  the  terms  of  the  short-time  leases,  the 
tenants  agree  to  pay  a  stipulated  land  rent,  and  all  taxes  and  water 
rates  in  addition.  The  local  rule  is  that  public  improvements,  such 
as  paving,  sewers,  etc.,  shall  be  assessed  one-third  against  the  bor- 
ough and  two-thirds  against  abutting  property  owners;  and  natur- 
ally improvements  are  not  made  unless  there  is  a  demand  among 
property  owners  for  them.  Since  the  agreement  of  the  tenants  to 
pay  taxes  includes  the  two-thirds  of  the  cost  of  public  improvements, 
they  do  not  urge  the  building  of  public  works  which  will  benefit  the 
Munhall  Estate  and  might  only  tend  to  raise  rents  every  ten  years. 
*  The  burgess  is  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  borough. 
26 


THE    MAKE-UP   OF   THE   TOWN 

The  agent,  on  the  other  hand,  maintains  that  the  houses  do 
not  belong  to  the  Estate,  and  that  it  is  not  responsible  for  bad 
conditions  inside  a  tenant's  lot  and  house;  the  land  rents  are 
low  and  the  tenant  should  take  enough  interest  in  his  home  to 
improve  it.  Furthermore,  the  most  serious  sanitary  problem,  as 
the  Estate  sees  it,  and  the  one  to  be  dealt  with  first,  is  the  brook, 
both  when  it  keeps  within  its  banks  and  when  it  overflows  them. 
The  agent  feels  that  this  is  not  even  a  Munhall  borough  problem; 
for  since  the  stream  and  its  tributaries  drain  a  wide  area,  the  state 
of  Pennsylvania  is  best  fitted  to  act  and  the  responsibility  is  laid 
at  its  door,  and  until  it  acts  other  things  must  wait. 

Munhall  Borough  in  turn  clears  its  skirts  of  responsibility 
for  the  Hollow  on  the  ground  that  the  land  is  private  property 
and  that  its  condition  is  the  concern  of  the  Munhall  Estate. 
The  borough  has  not  yet  regarded  the  condition  of  the  Hollow 
as  a  possible  menace  to  the  health  of  the  whole  community. 

Meanwhile,  a  very  appreciable  proportion  of  the  residents 
of  Munhall,  those  with  the  scantiest  resources  of  health  and  pocket- 
book,  live  in  this  damp,  odorous  gap  between  the  hills,  contending 
with  disease,  floods  and  an  occasional  fire. 

To  turn  from  questions  of  public  health  to  those  of  good 
order,  we  find  the  situation  if  anything  less  promising.  The 
borough  police  force  has  for  years  failed  to  enforce  the  liquor  laws. 
The  man  who  was  chief  in  1908  formerly  ran  a  gambling  place 
under  the  guise  of  a  club,*  and  while  he  was  held  to  be  capable,  it 
was  commonly  reported  that  he  owed  his  position  to  the  liquor 
interests.  I  was  told  that  the  numerous  "speakeasies"  vvere  left 
undisturbed  as  long  as  they  bought  from  the  wholesalers  in  power. 
In  Munhall  there  are  no  saloons;  in  Homestead,  over  50,  eight 
being  in  a  single  block  on  Eighth  Avenue  next  the  mill  entrance. 
A  Homesteader  summed  up  the  situation  in  this  way:  "We  have 
at  least  65  saloons,  10  wholesale  liquor  stores,  a  number  of  beer 

*  In  1908  this  place,  the  Colonial  Club,  was  closed,  and  a  new  chief  of  police 
was  elected.  There  is  also  a  new  burgess,  Thomas  L.  Davis,  superintendent  of  a 
mill  in  the  Jones  and  Laughlin  Stee!  Co.,  the  largest  independent  plant  in  Pitts- 
burgh. He  is  a  Welshman,  but  has  lived  in  Homestead  for  many  years.  A  general 
toning  up  of  the  police  situation  has  accompanied  his  administration.  Moreover, 
the  Taxpayers'  League,  which  was  organized  to  carry  on  a  good  government  cam- 
paign, succeeded  in  electing  one  member  of  the  Council,  M.  P.  Schooley,  a  man  of 
personal  independence  and  civic  spirit. 

27 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

agents,  innumerable   'speakeasies,'  and  a  dozen   or  more  drug 
stores," — and  this  in  a  community  of  25,000. 

In  common  with  the  whole  industrial  district,  Homestead 
suffers  from  a  system  of  aldermanic  courts  which  prevails  through- 
out Pennsylvania,  and  is  ill  devised  to  serve  other  than  rural  com- 
munities. The  system  is  especially  open  to  petty  tyranny  and 
corruption  in  dealing  with  an  immigrant  population.  All  misde- 
meanors are  tried  before  local  "squires"  or  justices  of  the  peace, 
who  can  impose  fines  or  short  terms  of  imprisonment,  and  can  also 
act  in  civil  suits  involving  amounts  of  less  than  $300.  These  jus- 
tices and  the  constables  who  serve  under  them  are  elected  by  the 
voters  of  the  borough  and  serve  for  a  period  of  five  years.  They 
receive  no  salary  but  are  paid  certain  fees;  for  example,  the  fee 
for  issuing  a  warrant  is  fifty  cents  and  the  same  sum  for  a  hearing 
in  a  criminal  case  or  for  taking  bail  in  such  a  case.  The  constable 
receives  one  dollar  for  executing  a  warrant  or  for  conveying  the 
defendant  to  jail.  These  men  are  often  uneducated,  with  no 
training  in  the  law,  and  dependent  for  income  on  the  number 
of  arrests  made.  Obviously,  many  fail  to  comprehend  the  impor- 
tance of  dealing  equitably  with  minor  offenders.  Of  the  cases 
of  disorderly  conduct  reported  in  the  newspapers  from  January 
1  to  March  31,  1908,  there  were  121  in  which  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced. Of  these,  80  were  either  discharged,  or  fined  costs  or 
$1.00  and  costs.  Ten  out  of  the  121  were  sent  to  the  jail  or 
workhouse,  and  four  of  these  were  sent  at  their  own  request 
because  they  had  no  home  to  go  to.  Such  treatment  by  magis- 
trates and  constables  of  course  has  little  deterrent  effect. 

On  one  point  the  borough  government  cannot  act  because 
of  its  legislative  limitations.  In  dealing  with  disorderly  houses, 
for  example,  the  owners  can  be  arraigned  only  on  a  charge  of 
disorderly  conduct,  for  which  a  small  fine  or  a  short  period  in  the 
workhouse  is  the  maximum  penalty.  No  local  action  can  be 
brought  against  them  on  a  criminal  charge.  In  1907  the  district 
attorney  of  Allegheny  County  raided  a  number  of  houses  in  Home- 
stead. Without  his  co-operation,  however,  the  borough  is  unable 
to  take  thoroughgoing  measures  to  eradicate  them. 

The  limitations  of  borough  autonomy  are  brought  out 
in  even  sharper  relief  in  its  relation  to  an  outside  corporation,  the 

28 


H   1 

1                    3£ 

7 
ft 

1  i^LjfaL-i 

a 

:; 

Double  Grade  Crossing  Near  the  Heart  of  Homestead 


Photo  by  Iline 


An  Unpaved  Alley 


THE   MAKE-UP   OF   THE   TOWN 

railroad.  The  ordinance,  for  example,  which  requires  that  the 
speed  of  trains  inside  borough  limits  shall  be  limited  to  six  miles 
an  hour,  is  almost  totally  disregarded.  One  fast  train  which  goes 
through  late  in  the  evening,  makes  but  little  reduction  in  speed, 
merely  sending  out  a  prolonged  shriek  of  warning  to  the  passer-by. 
Two  railroads  run  through  Homestead  parallel  to  the  main  street, 
one  two  blocks  and  one  three  blocks  from  it.  Many  children  on 
their  way  to  school  must  cross  the  tracks,  and  the  same  is  true  of 
all  the  traffic  going  from  the  main  street  to  Pittsburgh.  Yet  until 
1908  the  crossings,  all  level  with  the  street,  were  without  gates,  and 
flagmen  stationed  at  them  left  at  6  p.  m .*  The  Pennsylvania 
courts  had  declared  that  a  borough  has  no  power  to  enact  ordi- 
nances affecting  outside  corporations,  can  neither  enforce  a  speed 
limit,  nor  require  a  railroad  to  put  safety  gates  at  the  crossings 
nearest  its  business  centers. 


HOMESTEAD'S  ECONOMIC  STATUS 
Enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  politically  the  citizens 
of  Homestead  have  not  succeeded  in  creating  an  altogether 
wholesome  sanitary  or  civic  environment  for  their  homes.  Of 
equal  influence  upon  household  life  is  the  economic  development 
of  a  community  of  25,000  people.  Here  we  find  the  dominance 
of  the  one  industry  and  the  nearness  of  Homestead  to  Pittsburgh 
important  factors. 

Homestead  is  now  the  market  for  the  three  boroughs  and 
also  for  the  outlying  districts.  Since  the  branch  car  lines  into 
the  surrounding  country  have  made  it  possible  for  women  living 
back  from  Homestead  to  shop  here,  the  demand  for  good  local 
stores  has  increased.  The  main  thoroughfare,  Eighth  Avenue,  is 
a  typical  two-  and  three-story  business  street  with  banks,  real  estate 
offices,  numerous  butcher  shops  and  bakeries,  grocery  and  furnish- 
ing stores,  the  latter  displaying  modish  garments  on  sale  for  cash  or 
"credit."     A  low  white  building  bears  the  imposing  sign  "  Home- 

*The  Pittsburgh  and  Lake  Erie  tracks  (New  York  Central  System)  have 
since  been  guarded  with  gates;  the  tracks  of  the  Pittsburgh,  Virginia  and 
Charleston  (Pennsylvania  lines)  are  without  gates.  Gatemen  and  flagmen  alike 
are  as  heretofore  off  duty  at  night.     See  Appendix  VI  I,  p.  233,  for  list  of  casualties. 

29 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

stead's  Department  Stores."  At  frequent  intervals  saloons  and 
nickelodeons  offer  entertainment  after  their  kind.  The  few 
shabby  looking  hotels,  obviously  making  more  money  from  their 
bars  than  from  their  rooms,  are  characteristic  of  any  town  so  near 
a  great  city.  The  row  of  shops  offers  all  the  necessities  of  life  and 
the  housekeeper  need  not  journey  to  the  city  unless  she  wishes. 
Pittsburgh,  to  be  sure,  is  near.  It  takes  only  fifteen  minutes  on 
the  railroad  and  forty-five  on  a  street  car,  and  as  the  fare  in  the 
latter  case  is  only  five  cents,  many  women  make  their  more  im- 
portant purchases  from  the  greater  variety  of  goods  and  the  bar- 
gains offered  by  the  big  stores.  For  the  most  part,  however, 
they  rely  on  the  local  dealers. 

Business  interests  have  not  adequately  met  certain  other 
needs  of  the  town,  notably  the  provisions  for  amusement.  These 
are  meagre  and  in  winter  monotonous  and  not  inspiriting.  In 
summer  opportunities  for  relaxation  are  afforded  by  two  parks 
owned  by  the  street  railway  company,  each  situated  within  a 
five-cent  fare  of  the  town.  On  the  line  to  the  suburb  Lincoln 
Place  is  Homestead  Park.  Here  is  a  baseball  ground  which  a 
league  of  business  men  utilize  for  games  after  business  hours; 
swings,  roller  skating  and  a  dancing  pavilion  offer  their  attractions 
to  the  young.  Kennywood  Park,  on  the  hills  beyond  Homestead 
toward  Duquesne,  is  the  liveliest  outdoor  pleasure  ground  within 
reach  of  Pittsburgh.  It  is  the  popular  place  for  large  picnics. 
There  is,  too,  a  small  park  on  the  hill  in  Homestead  which  was 
given  to  the  town  by  Mr.  Henry  C.  Frick.  It  is  attractively 
laid  out  in  lawns  and  flower  beds  and  offers  a  refreshing  glimpse 
of  green  to  the  passer-by.  With  these  parks  and  the  numerous 
trolley  lines  into  the  country,  the  needs  of  summer  recreation 
are  fairly  provided  for,  but,  as  has  been  said,  when  winter  comes 
people  must  return  to  a  limited  range  of  amusements.  The 
number  and  character  of  these  are  affected  by  the  nearness  of 
Pittsburgh.  People  with  leisure  or  those  who  desire  a  better 
class  of  entertainment  naturally  prefer  to  attend  lectures, 
concerts  and  theatres  in  the  city,  where  they  can  have  the 
best.  Most  towns  of  the  size  of  Homestead  have  a  local 
theatre  where  fairly  good  companies  come  for  a  one-night 
stand.     In  Homestead,  public  amusements,  aside  from  the  enter- 

30 


THE    MAKE-UP   OF   THE   TOWN 

tainments  offered  by  the  Carnegie  Library,  have  been  limited 
largely  to  skating  rinks  and  nickelodeons. 

Of  the  business  enterprises,  those  which  doubtless  most 
closely  affect  the  lives  of  the  residents  are  the  real  estate  com- 
panies. Real  estate,  except  in  Munhall,  is  largely  in  the  hands 
of  local  firms,  who  recognize  that  they  have  a  definite  part  in 
building  up  the  town  and  who  take  a  genuine  pride  in  it.  By 
making  it  possible  for  those  with  small  incomes  to  buy  houses 
and  by  creating  a  sense  of  confidence  through  fair  dealing  (such 
as  considerateness  when  purchasers  strike  hard  times),  the  real 
estate  men  have  helped  to  increase  the  number  of  house-owners. 
Even  in  this  form  of  enterprise,  in  which  the  business  life  of  Home- 
stead is  at  its  best,  the  resources  of  the  community  have  not  been 
sufficient  to  meet  the  demands  of  its  growth.  Houses  have  not 
been  built  fast  enough,  and  in  1907  rents  were  high  and  people 
found  difficulty  in  securing  suitable  homes. 

The  town's  lack  of  economic  self-dependence  is  serious  and 
fundamental.  A  large  machine  manufactory  and  the  steel  mill 
employ  practically  all  the  inhabitants  except  those  who  provide 
for  the  needs  of  the  workers.  Financially,  therefore,  Homestead 
is  almost  entirely  dependent  on  the  outsiders  who  own  these  indus- 
tries,— non-residents  who  for  the  most  part  lack  any  interest  in 
the  future  development  of  the  town  as  distinguished  from  the 
mill.  Some  few  may  make  gifts, — even  notable  ones,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  park,  the  library  and  the  manual  training  school, — and 
small  building  loans  may  be  granted  employes;  but  the  profits 
of  the  industries  are  not  in  any  large  sense  re-invested  in  the 
town. 

The  setting  of  the  average  Homestead  household  is  now 
fairly  complete  before  us.  On  the  one  hand  is  the  inexorable  mill, 
offering  wages  and  work  under  such  conditions  as  it  pleases; 
on  the  other  is  a  town  politically  failing  to  maintain  a  sound 
environment  for  its  inhabitants  and  not  possessed  of  independent 
business  resources  sufficient  to  serve  them. 

It  may  well  be  questioned  whether,  with  labor  organization 
among  the  working  people,  the  civic  conditions  would  today  be 
any  better  than  they  are.     Democracy  has  pretty  much  the  same 

3i 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

weaknesses  in  small  cities  as  in  large.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that 
the  employers  in  Homestead  who  have  assumed  entire  authority 
within  the  mill  gates,  have  not  assumed  positive  responsibilities 
toward  the  well-being  of  the  community  which  has  grown  up  out- 
side them.  And  of  the  indirect  and  too  often  negative  influences 
of  the  industry  upon  the  normal  life  of  the  community,  there  are, 
as  we  shall  see,  many  evidences. 

In  reviewing  the  relations  of  the  mill  to  its  employes  in  the 
first  chapter,  I  pointed  out  that  the  strike,  which  shut  the  men 
off  from  any  part  in  the  terms  of  their  work,  left  them  still  two 
vantage  grounds  from  which  they  could  control  much  that  entered 
into  everyday  living, — the  town  and  the  home.  We  now  see  how 
and  where  the  town  fails  to  create  those  civic  and  sanitary  con- 
ditions which  should  make  for  mental  and  physical  efficiency. 
The  problem  then  becomes  largely  one  of  the  home.  It  is  in  the 
individual  household,  supported  on  the  customary  wages  paid 
by  the  mill,  that  we  must  seek  the  meaning  of  life  in  Homestead. 


32 


PART  II 
THE  ENGLISH-SPEAKING  HOUSEHOLDS 


CHAPTER  III 

WORK,   WAGES,   AND   THE  COST  OF 
LIVING 

IF  YOU  are  near  the  mill  in  the  late  afternoon  you  will  see  a 
procession,  an  almost  steady  stream  of  men,  each  carrying 
the  inevitable  bucket,  hurrying  towards  the  great  buildings 
for  the  night's  work.  A  little  later  the  tide  turns  and  back  come 
the  day  men,  walking  slowly  and  wearily  towards  home  and 
supper. 

Thus  the  life  of  the  town  keeps  time  with  the  rhythm  of  the 
mill.  This  is  brought  out  also  by  the  way  the  town  reckons  dates 
from  the  year  of  the  great  strike;  by  the  trend  of  its  development, 
conditioned  by  dependence  upon  one  industrial  enterprise  owned 
by  outsiders;  and  most  clearly  of  all  by  the  part  the  mill  work 
plays  in  the  lives  of  the  men  themselves. 

While  I  shall  not  attempt  to  go  into  the  technique  of  steel 
making,  the  general  process  can  be  stated  in  a  few  words.  The 
crude  iron  brought  to  Homestead  in  huge  ladles  from  the  "Carrie" 
blast  furnaces  across  the  river,  is  taken  to  the  open-hearth  de- 
partment where  it  is  put  into  the  furnaces,  mixed  with  scrap  iron, 
ore,  and  certain  chemicals,  and  brought  to  a  melting  heat.  The 
open-hearth  furnaces  are  then  tapped  and  the  metal  is  poured 
into  ingot  molds  to  cool.  As  the  steel  is  needed  for  use  the  ingots 
are  reheated  and  go  to  the  "rolls,"  ponderous  and  wonderful 
machines,  which  turn  out  steel  rails,  sheets  of  plate  for  war  vessels, 
beams  for  constructing  skyscrapers. 

The  conditions  under  which  the  work  is  carried  on  seem  to 
an  outsider  fairly  intolerable.  The  din  in  the  great  vaulted  sheds 
makes  speech  hard.  Men  who  have  worked  near  the  engines, 
though  their  organs  of  hearing  remain  in  physically  good  condi- 
tion, sometimes  become  almost  oblivious  to  ordinary  sound. 
Some  work  where  the  heat  is  intense;   and  before  the  open  doors 

35 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

of  furnaces  full  of  white-hot  metal  they  must  wear  smoked  glasses 
to  temper  the  glare.  This  heat,  exhausting  in  summer,  makes  a 
man  in  winter  doubly  susceptible  to  the  cold  without.  While  for 
the  men  directing  the  processes  the  physical  exertion  is  often  not 
great,  most  of  the  laborers  perform  heavy  manual  toil.  And 
everywhere  is  the  danger  of  accident  from  constantly  moving 
machinery,  from  bars  of  glowing  steel,  from  engines  moving  along 
the  tracks  in  the  yard.  The  men,  of  course,  grow  used  to  these 
dangers,  but  a  new  peril  lies  in  the  carelessness  that  results  from 
such  familiarity,  for  human  nature  cannot  be  eternally  on  guard; 
men  would  be  unable  to  do  their  work  if  they  became  too  cautious. 
The  nature  of  the  work,  with  the  heat  and  its  inherent 
hazard,  makes  much  of  it  exhausting.  Yet  these  men  for  the  most 
part  keep  it  up  twelve  hours  a  day.  It  is  uneconomical  to  have 
the  plant  shut  down.  In  order  that  the  mills  may  run  practically 
continuously,  the  twenty-four  hours  is  divided  between  two  shifts. 
The  greater  number  of  men  employed  in  making  steel  (as  distinct 
from  the  clerical  staff)  work  half  of  the  time  at  night,  the  usual 
arrangement  being  for  a  man  to  work  one  week  on  the  day  and 
the  next  on  the  night  shift.  At  the  request  of  the  men,  the  night 
turn  is  made  longer,  so  that  they  can  have  the  full  evening  to 
themselves  the  other  week.  Their  hours  on  the  day  turn,  there- 
fore, are  from  7  a.  m.  to  5:30  p.  m.;  this  leaves  thirteen  and 
one-half  hours  for  the  night  shift.  In  certain  departments  the 
regular  processes  are  continued  straight  through  Sunday  and  the 
crews  work  the  full  seven  days  out  of  seven;  this  is  the  case,  for 
instance,  in  the  blast  furnaces,  such  as  the  Carrie  group  which 
are  practically  a  part  of  the  Homestead  plant.  The  officials 
claimed  in  1908  that  in  the  rolling  mills  only  necessary  labor,  such 
as  repairing,  was  done  on  Sunday.  Yet  my  colleague,  Mr.  Fitch, 
estimated  that  for  Allegheny  County  as  a  whole  one  steel  worker 
out  of  five  worked  seven  days  in  a  week.  Moreover,  a  majority 
of  the  men  have  to  be  on  duty  either  Saturday  night  or  Sunday 
night,  thus  breaking  into  the  day  of  rest.* 

*  Mechanics,  and  day  laborers  in  the  yards  work  ten  hours  a  day.  For  a 
full  discussion  of  the  extent  of  twelve-hour  and  Sunday  work  see  Fitch,  John  A.: 
The  Steel  Workers,  a  companion  volume  in  the  series  of  The  Pittsburgh  Survey, 
p.  166  ff.  For  recent  action  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  curtailing 
some  kinds  of  Sunday  work,  see  Appendix  VIII,  p.  236. 

36 


WORK,    WAGES,    AND   THE    COST   OF    LIVING 

These  are  the  demands  which  the  mill  makes  on  the  Home- 
stead men.  Even  the  details  of  family  life  depend  on  whether  "  the 
mister"  is  working  day  turn  or  night  turn;  and  the  long  shifts 
determine  the  part  the  steel  worker  plays  in  his  household  and 
also  in  his  community.  Financially,  all  time  is  marked  off  by 
the  fortnightly  "pay  Friday."  On  that  night  stores  are  open  all 
the  evening.  The  streets  are  filled  with  music,  and  the  German 
bands  go  from  saloon  to  saloon  reaping  a  generous  harvest  when 
times  are  good.  Beggars  besiege  the  gates  of  the  mill  bearing 
pathetic  signs,  "  I  am  injured  and  blind — my  eyes  were  destroyed 
by  hot  steel,"  and  the  full  pocketbook  is  opened.  It  is  the  night 
for  settling  scores,  and  the  bills  which  have  accumulated  for  two 
weeks  are  paid  and  a  fresh  household  account  opened. 

The  influence  of  mill  work  upon  the  home  is  most  direct  of 
all  through  the  wages  themselves,  since  wages,  by  limiting  ex- 
penditures, set  bounds  to  the  attainment  of  a  family's  ideals. 

As  a  means  of  interpreting  the  household  life  of  Homestead, 
therefore,  I  studied  the  everyday  life  of  families  who  represented 
different  earning  and  racial  groups  in  the  town's  population. 
Ninety  of  the  families  visited  kept  a  detailed  account  of  all  pur- 
chases for  four  weeks  or  more.  The  inquiry  was  not,  however, 
primarily  statistical,  but  rather  a  study  at  first  hand  of  family 
life.  1 1  was  not  easy  to  become  acquainted  with  the  mill  employes 
since  there  were  no  agencies,  such  as  settlements  or  trade  unions, 
to  put  a  stranger  confidentially  in  touch  with  them.  Introduc- 
tions, secured  mainly  from  clergymen,  made  it  possible,  however, 
to  approach  people,  and  paved  the  way  for  more  familiar  relation- 
ships as  the  weeks  went  on.  Suspicion  was  often  aroused  and 
some  refused  to  assist  in  the  investigation.  Keeping  personal 
accounts  is  arduous  (many  of  us  have  abandoned  the  praiseworthy 
habit),  and  it  was  not  surprising  that  busy  women  declined  to  add 
this  task  to  their  burdens,  or  else  failed  to  keep  up  the  daily  entries 
once  they  had  begun.  My  90  families  were  thus  the  residue  of  a 
much  larger  number;  some  of  them  dropped  out;  the  entries  of 
others  could  not  be  depended  upon.  Repeated  visits  to  "see 
how  the  book  is  getting  on,"  gave  an  opportunity  to  secure  that 
intimate  knowledge  of  family  life  which  most  of  all  was  desired. 
One  of  my  assistants,  an  American,  became  a  resident  of  the  town, 

37 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


living  like  other  residents  and  sending  her  son  to  the  Homestead 
schools.  The  young  widow  of  a  Slavic  mill  worker  secured  the 
budgets  from  the  immigrants.  As  an  interpreter  in  the  Home- 
stead courts  she  held  to  a  marked  degree  the  confidence  of  her 
people,  and  from  her  I  gained  an  insight  into  Slavic  customs  and 
points  of  view  which  was  invaluable.  The  fairly  complete  picture 
of  the  households  thus  obtained  made  the  budgets  more  significant 
and  also  threw  light  on  the  community  life. 

TABLE  5. — ANALYSIS  OF  90  BUDGET  FAMILIES. — BY  RACIAL  GROUP 
AND  NORMAL  WEEKLY  WAGE  OF  MAN* 


Racial  Croup 

Number  oj 
families 

Under 
$12.00 

$12.00- 
$14.99 

$K.OO- 

$19.99 

$20.00 
and  over 

Per  cent 
earning 
under 
$12.00 

Slav      . 

Eng.  sp.  Eur.f    . 

Nat.  white  . 

Colored 

29 
'3 
25 
23 

2! 

2 

2 

6 

% 

4 
4 
6 
8 

2 

i 

72.4 
77 
0.0 
8.7 

Total    . 

90 

24 

21 

22 

23 

26.6 

*  For  detailed  analysis,  see  Appendix  I,  Table  1,  p.  200. 

t  This  group  included  English,  Scotch,  Irish  and  German  families. 

A  few  words  of  personal  description  from  these  individual 
studies  will  illustrate  the  make-up  of  the  representative  groupings 
of  the  table.  The  men  earning  less  than  $12  a  week  were  largely 
Slavic  day  laborers,  many  of  them  newcomers,  although  three 
had  been  here  fifteen  years  or  more.  Some  were  lately  married, 
starting  life  in  a  single  room,  and  some  had  families  of  four  or  five 
children  to  maintain. 

The  group  of  men  earning  $12  to  $14.99  a  wee^  included 
more  varied  types;  such  as  a  middle-aged  Englishman,  semi- 
skilled, whose  thrifty  wife  was  managing  on  this  wage  to  bring 
up  their  six  children;  two  Americans  with  equally  large  families 
(one  of  six  children,  the  other  of  seven),  whose  work  also  demanded 
little  skill,  and  who  also  had  wives  who  to  some  extent  made  up 
for  the  low  wages  by  skilful  housekeeping;  a  third  American, 
unambitious,  who  held  a  poorly  paid  "pencil"  job,*  and  who 

*  Clerical  or  semi-clerical  position. 
38 


WORK,    WAGES,    AND    THE    COST   OF    LIVING 

already  counted  on  his  fourteen-year-old  son  to  help  provide  for 
the  household;  a  colored  teamster,  who  with  three  children  to 
support,  called  on  his  wife  to  earn  a  little,  by  cleaning  for  her 
neighbors;  and,  in  contrast  to  these,  a  Slav  who  had  worked 
seven  years  in  the  mill  and  was  now  an  engineer.  This  group  and 
the  succeeding  one  were  drawn  from  the  better  paid  day  men  and 
the  lower  paid  tonnage  men. 

Among  the  steel  workers  earning  $15  to  $19.99  were  two 
Slavs  and  a  Scotchman  who  were  helpers  at  the  open-hearth 
furnaces,  an  Irish  machinist,  one  American  with  a  good  "pencil 
job"  and  another  who  did  semi-skilled  work  at  the  rolls.  The 
part  which  personal  choice  plays  in  spending  when  incomes  are 
large  enough  to  give  some  margin,  was  illustrated  by  the  families 
of  the  men  in  this  group.  Here,  an  American  on  the  clerical  staff 
of  the  mill  with  a  clever  wife  and  two  small  children,  saved  little, 
for  they  had  chosen  instead  to  have  an  attractive  five-room  house; 
there,  a  Slav  with  the  same  income  and  the  same  sized  family  lived 
in  two  rooms  which  were  shared  by  two  lodgers,  and  already  had  a 
bank  account  of  $400;  another,  an  Irish  machinist,  drank  up 
part  of  his  wages,  and  his  wife  had  not  the  gift  of  home-making. 

The  group  of  men  earning  $20  and  over  were  good  workmen 
and  good  providers  as  well.  For  instance,  one  was  a  Slav  who 
came  to  America  over  twenty  years  ago  to  begin  life  here  as  a 
miner,  and  who  now  is  a  citizen  and  has  a  comfortable  four-room 
home;  another,  a  Scotchman,  intelligent  and  interesting,  whose 
home  is  a  model  of  thrift,  and  whose  four  children  are  to  have  the 
best  that  American  public  schools  can  give.  Nine  out  of  15  of 
the  steel  workers  in  this  group  were  tonnage  men. 

There  are  two  main  factors  which  determine  the  standards 
of  living  of  such  wage-earning  families:  one,  external  circum- 
stances which  the  family  cannot  control,  such  as  money-wages, 
location,  educational  and  social  opportunities;  the  other,  the 
ideals  which  it  is  continually  struggling  to  reach.  No  account 
of  individuals  or  families  which  fails  to  take  both  external  cir- 
cumstances and  personal  ideals  into  consideration  can  be  complete; 
both  are  necessary  to  reveal  the  latent  power  in  the  people  of  a 
community.     The  problem  presents  itself  to  the  mind  of  the 

39 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

wage-earner  in  simpler  English:  "  How  much  can  1  make?  What 
shall  I  spend  it  for?"  As  the  second  question  is  always  that  of  a 
choice  of  wants,  the  decision  as  to  which  seem  worth  working  and 
paying  for  is  perhaps  the  clearest  mark  of  a  family's  mental 
development.  If  we  collect  data  as  to  family  expenditures  and 
compare  the  answers  thus  made  to  these  two  questions,  we  can 
estimate  the  character  and  self-dependence  of  a  laboring  com- 
munity; and,  in  turn,  can  measure  what  home  life  the  wage- 
earner's  pay  makes  possible.  What  in  the  first  place  then  are  the 
wages  paid  in  Homestead  ? 

As  a  background  to  the  study  of  the  90  budget  families, 
we  were  fortunate  in  securing  an  authoritative  statement  regard- 
ing the  men  employed  in  the  Homestead  plant  in  March,  1907, 
classified  by  racial  group,  degree  of  skill,  etc.  Of  the  total  6,772 
men,  1,266,  or  18.7  per  cent,  were  skilled;  1,556,  or  23  per  cent, 
semi-skilled;  and  3,950,  or  58.3  per  cent,  unskilled. 


TABLE  6. — MEN  EMPLOYED  IN  THE  HOMESTEAD  MILL  IN  MARCH, 
I907.  NUMBER  AND  PERCENTAGES. —  BY  RACIAL  GROUPS  AND 
DEGREE   OF    SKILL 


Racial  Group 

Skilled 

Semi-skilled 

Unskilled 

Total 

Per  cent 

Unskilled 

Slav       .        .        .        . 
Eng.  sp.  Eur. 
Nat.  white   . 
Colored 

80 
398 
767 

21 

459 

358 

707 

32 

3064 

'   367 

45' 

68 

3603 
1123 
1925 

121 

85.0 
32-7 
23.4 
56.2 

Total     . 
Per  cent 

1266 
,8.7 

.556 
23.0 

395o 

58.3 

6772 

A  careful  study  of  wages  showed  that  unskilled  laborers 
received  $  .16J  an  hour  for  a  ten-  or  twelve-hour  day;  the  semi- 
skilled, including  both  day  and  tonnage  workers,  earn  $2.00  or 
I3.00  a  day,  and  the  skilled,  $2.50  to  $5.00,  a  small  percentage 
earning  more  than  that.* 

♦Beginning  May  1,  1910,  the  prevailing  rate  for  common  labor  was  raised 
to  \y\  cents  an  hour  in  Homestead.  This  was  part  of  a  general  advance  put  into 
effect"  by  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation,  equal,  it  was  announced,  to  an 
average  of  somewhat  over  6  per  cent  on  the  rates  previously  paid. 

40 


WORK,    WAGES,    AND   THE    COST   OF    LIVING 

These  figures  represent  earnings,  moreover,  at  the  height  of 
a  long  period  of  prosperity.  The  first  and  most  important  fact 
revealed  by  them  is  that  the  pay  of  over  half  the  men  in  the 
Homestead  mills  in  1907  was  that  of  common  laborers.  Eighty- 
five  per  cent  of  the  Slavs,  23.4  per  cent  of  the  native  whites, 
32.7  per  cent  of  the  English-speaking  Europeans  and  56.2  per  cent 
of  the  colored  were  classed  as  unskilled,  receiving  less  than  $12  a 
week.  This  will  reveal  the  situation  as  it  actually  is  to  those  who 
have  heard  only  that  wages  in  the  steel  industry  are  high.  Its 
reputation  for  big  wages  is  based  on  the  earnings,  especially  in 
the  early  years  of  the  industry,  of  the  rollers,  heaters  and  other 
skilled  men,  a  fraction  of  the  total  force.  The  new  machine 
processes  call  for  an  increasing  number  of  unskilled  positions, 
and  however  much  the  personnel  of  these  workers  shifts,  this 
group  with  a  low  maximum  wage  must  be  considered  a  constant 
factor  in  Homestead  life. 

Even  among  the  English-speaking  employes,  unskilled  work 
with  its  low  wage  is  not  always  a  merely  temporary  stage  in  mill 
work,  a  period  of  apprenticeship,  to  be  endured  until  time  and 
promotion  bring  a  larger  income.  For  instance,  among  the  men 
over  forty  years  of  age  in  the  families  keeping  budgets,  46  earned 
over  $15  and  12  earned  less  than  that  sum.  About  a  fourth  of 
the  total  number  of  those  earning  less  than  $15  were  over  forty. 
Of  the  men  earning  $12  to  $14.99  a  week, the  six  English-speaking 
Europeans  were  on  an  average  forty-five  years  old;  the  four 
native  whites,  forty-five. 

A  second  fact  is  scarcely  less  distinctive  from  an  economic 
point  of  view.  Family  life  in  Homestead  depends  for  its  support 
almost  entirely  upon  the  men's  earnings;  women  and  chidren 
rarely  work  outside  the  home  since  the  steel  plant  and  machine 
works  cannot  use  them  and  there  are  no  other  industries  in  the 
town.  Of  the  90  budget  families  there  were  only  nine  in  which 
the  income  was  supplemented  by  women's  wages,  and  even  in 
these,  with  the  exception  of  three  colored  households  where  the 
women  partly  supported  the  family  by  days'  work,  the  money 
thus  gained  formed  only  a  small  percentage  of  the  income.*  On 
the  other  hand,  the  mill  offers  work  at  good  pay  to  young  men, 

*See  Appendix  I,  Tables  2  and  3,  p.  201. 
41 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

and  the  husband's  wage  is  frequently  supplemented  by  that  of  the 
son.  Among  the  native  white  families,  the  husband  and  son  in 
normal  times  contributed  92.3  per  cent  of  the  total  income; 
among  the  English-speaking  Europeans  98.7  per  cent. 

Among  the  immigrant  families,  however,  and  among  all 
those  in  which  the  man's  earnings  fell  within  the  day  labor  rate, 
our  budget  studies  disclosed  that  another  and  exceptional  source 
of  support  was  resorted  to;  namely,  payment  from  lodgers. 
It  is  upon  the  women  of  the  household  that  this  burden  falls. 
In  families  where  the  man's  wage  was  normally  less  than  $12  a 
week,  more  than  half  found  it  necessary  to  increase  their  slender 
income  in  this  way.  What  this  means  in  congestion  and  in  lower 
standards  of  living  we  shall  see  in  a  discussion  of  the  Slavic  house- 
holds. 

The  third  distinctive  fact  in  the  Homestead  situation  in 
regard  to  earnings  has  been  the  steadiness  of  employment.  Regu- 
larity no  less  than  rate  of  wages  determines  what  a  family's  annual 
receipts  amount  to,  and  the  family  adjusts  its  grade  of  living  more 
or  less  closely  to  this  expected  income.  I  was  told  that  from  the 
time  of  the  depression  of  1 893  up  to  November  1 , 1 907,  the  mills  had 
run  almost  without  a  break.  Tonnage  men  who  are  paid  by  out- 
put of  course  feel  temporary  lulls,  but  if  a  given  department  in  a 
mill  is  not  working  full  time,  the  day  men  in  that  department 
receive  a  full  day's  pay  as  long  as  the  mill  runs  at  all. 

How  far  income  standards  which  are  thus  rendered  stable 
by  regular  work  in  the  Homestead  mills  have  been  jeopardized 
by  rate  cuts  which  may  or  may  not  be  justified  by  changes  in 
process,  but  against  which  the  men  have  no  check,  and  what 
intense  efforts  they  put  forward  to  increase  their  speed  and  keep 
their  weekly  earnings  up  to  former  levels,  are  issues  of  labor  admin- 
istration which  are  gone  into  by  my  colleague,  Mr.  Fitch.*  That 
most  of  the  men  will  receive  a  full  fortnight's  pay  regularly  year 
in  and  year  out,  has  given  a  sense  of  security  even  in  the  face  of 
repeated  reductions  in  the  rates.  It  has  created  a  basis  for  the 
development  of  common  standards  of  living  which  would  be 
impossible  where  employment  was  fluctuating. 

*  Fitch,  John  A.:  The  Steel  Workers,  Chap.  XIV. 
42 


WORK,    WAGES,    AND   THE    COST   OF    LIVING 

In  Homestead,  then,  we  have  a  community  where  half  the 
workmen  are  day  laborers,  where  families  are  almost  solely 
dependent  on  the  man's  earnings,  and  where  a  man's  earnings 
one  month  are  fairly  like  those  of  the  next.  Therefore,  if  the  period 
covered  by  the  investigation  had  been  a  normal  one,  we  could 
have  put  opposite  each  other  a  family's  usual  earnings,  and  what 
the  money  went  for,  as  shown  by  account  books,  and  have  drawn 
direct  and  simple  deductions  as  to  the  relation  between  wages 
and  costs  of  living  for  each  group.  An  industrial  depression  pre- 
vented this.  The  period  covered  extended  from  October  i,  1907, 
to  April  1,  1908.  Within  six  weeks  after  the  first  budgets  were 
started  the  trouble  began,  and  by  the  middle  of  December  the 
mills  were  running  only  about  half  time,  a  situation  which  lasted 
during  the  remainder  of  the  investigation.  Incidentally,  this 
change  brought  us  special  data  showing  how  people  met  hard 
times.  But,  as  few  families  were  receiving  full  wages,  many 
household  accounts  dropped  below  what  would  have  been  normal 
for  them. 

Recognition  of  this  situation  called  for  a  special  treatment  of 
the  budget  material  as  a  whole.  While  the  depression,  as  we  have 
seen,  prevented  statistical  deductions  as  to  how  families  ordinarily 
spent  their  wages,  it  did  not  seriously  conflict  with  a  main  purpose 
of  the  economic  side  of  the  study.  This  was  to  find  out  what  ele- 
mentary standards  of  living  are  possible  on  an  income  say  of  $12  a 
week  in  Homestead.  To  ascertain  this,  in  my  major  tables  I  aban- 
doned all  reference  to  normal  wages  and  divided  the  families  ac- 
cording to  the  amounts  they  actually  expended  per  week  during  the 
period  studied,  including  what  was  purchased  on  credit.  Rents 
and  the  prices  of  food  stuffs  did  not  change  during  this  period,  and, 
with  these  constant,  $12  a  week  would,  in  general,  buy  the  same 
whether  the  payments  were  made  out  of  the  lowered  earnings  of  a 
family  in  slack  times,  or  out  of  the  total  wages  of  a  low  paid 
man  when  the  mills  were  running  full.  As  all  accounts  were  dis- 
carded in  which  there  was  a  discrepancy  of  five  per  cent  between 
income  and  expenditure  during  the  five  to  eight  weeks  studied, 
the  entries  showed  accurately  what  the  families  spent  for  this 
period,  and  afforded  a  basis  of  fact  to  correct  and  strengthen  the 
impressions  received  in  the  more  general  survey  of  the  situation. 

43 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

The  study  of  much  larger  groups  of  families  carried  over  more 
representative  periods  would  be  essential  for  an  adequate  inter- 
pretation of  the  standards  of  living  in  such  an  industrial  town.* 
But  as  a  simple  gauge  of  the  influence  of  mill  town  employment 
upon  home  life,  the  items  of  our  budgets, — rent,  meals,  clothing, 
help  for  the  housekeeper,  and  amusements — served  to  indicate 
how  far  earnings  will  go  either  for  the  unskilled  immigrant,  who 
seeks  a  foothold  in  this  country,  or  for  the  American,  who  looks 
to  his  work  in  the  steel  industry  as  a  permanent  basis  for  a  liveli- 
hood.! 

These  budgets,  moreover,  reflect  the  character  of  the  working 
people  of  Homestead.  No  less  important  than  the  question  of 
how  much  people  spend  is  the  question  of  what  they  buy  and  more 
important  than  all,  what  they  want.  To  learn  these  things  we 
must  catch  something  of  the  spirit  of  their  homes,  for  no  account 
of  household  expenditure,  however  detailed,  can  in  itself  reveal  the 
struggle  people  make  to  attain  their  ideals.  And  without  knowing 
these  ideals  we  cannot  judge  how  much  the  limitations  which  any 
system  of  wages  imposes  concern  society. 

TABLE    7. — 90   BUDGET    FAMILIES. — BY    RACIAL   AND    EXPENDITURE 
GROUP 


Racial  Group 

Under 
$12.00 

$12.00- 

1 14.99 

$15.00- 
$19.99 

$20.00 

and  over 

Total 

Slav 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur. 
Native  White 
Colored. 

14 
3 
4 

1 1 

5                    7 
4                   3 
1                  8 

6 

3 
3 

12 

29 
'3 

23 

Total     . 

32 

16 

23 

"9 

90 

*  The  colored  group  form  less  than  two  per  cent  of  the  working  force  in  the 
mill.  They  are  included,  therefore,  not  as  numerically  significant,  but  as  affording 
interesting  points  for  comparison  with  the  Slavs. 

f  For  statement  as  to  the  methods  of  inquiry  and  statistical  treatment  em- 
ployed, see  Appendix  I,  p.  187. 


44 


WORK,    WAGES,    AND    THE    COST   OF    LIVING 


TABLE  8. — AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURES  OF  90  BUDGET 
FAMILIES  IN  I907,  AMOUNTS  AND  PERCENTAGES. — BY  CHIEF 
ITEMS  OF  EXPENDITURE  AND  RACIAL  GROUP 


Num- 
ber of 
Fam- 
ilies 

Aver- 
age 
Ex- 
pendi- 
ture 

Rent 

Food 

Fuel 

Insurance 

Other 

Racial  Group 

s 

a 
0 

a 

V. 

a. 

8 

a 
0 
5 

8 

a 
s 

1 

a. 

"a 
1 

a 

a 
0 
§ 

a 

Colored    . 
Slav  . 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur  . 
Nat.  White     . 

23 
29 
'3 

25 

$12.39 
13.09 
16.97 
20.47 

$2.43 

2.00 
2.9. 
3.. 6 

19.6 

'5-3 
17.1 

■5.4 

$4.8439.1 
5.98457 
7-55  44-5 
7-44  363 

I.82 
.38 
•45 
.84 

6.6 
2.9 
2-7 

$  .92 
.88 
1.03 
1.21 

5-9 

l3-4i 
3.86 
5.03 
7.82 

27.5 
29.5 

29.6 

38.2 

TABLE  9. — AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURES  OF  90  BUDGET 
FAMILIES,  AMOUNTS  AND  PERCENTAGES. — BY  CHIEF  ITEMS  OF 
EXPENDITURE    AND    EXPENDITURE   GROUP 


Num- 

Aver- 
age 
Ex- 
pendi- 
ture 

Rent 

Food 

Fuel 

Insurance 

Other 

L.xpenditure 
Group 

ber  of 
Fam- 
ilies 

a 

a 

a      a 
a    1    "" 

~     1    *- 

a 

a 
0 

"5 

a 

s 

i 

a 

a 

a 
0 

§ 

"a 

X       0, 

^   !  a! 

^ 

a. 

^ 

a. 

"<: 

a! 

Under  $12.00    . 

33 

$9.17 

$1.8820.5 

$4.1645.3 

$.38 

41 

$  .70 

7i 

$2.05 

22.3 

$12.00-$  1 4.99  . 

16 

13.32    2.2917.2 

5.8644.0 

■77 

5.8 

•5' 

3-8 

3.89 

29.2 

If  15.00-$  19.99  . 

23 

17.59    2.73  15.5 

7.1140.4 

.66 

3-8 

1.05 

6.0 

6.02 

34-2 

$20.00  and  over 

19 

25-56   3-73  14-5 

9.38  36.7 

.90 

3-5 

1.86 

7-3 

9.68 

37-9 

TABLE  10. — AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURES  OF  77  HOUSE-RENT- 
ING FAMILIES,*  AMOUNTS  AND  PERCENTAGES. — BY  CHIEF  ITEMS 
OF    EXPENDITURE    AND    EXPENDITURE    GROUP 


Aver- 

Rent 

Food 

Fuel 

Insurance 

Other 

Num- 
ber of 

age 

weekly 

Expenditure 

^ 

a 

^ 

^ 

^ 

^ 

^» 

•g 

^ 

^ 

Group 

Fam- 

Ex- 

a 

§ 

<u 

a 

S 

a 

<u 

a 

<u 

ilies 

pendi- 

S 

*; 

£ 

fc 

£ 

V 

| 

is 

S 

!fi 

ture 

^ 

a. 

^ 

a. 

X 

a. 

X 

a. 

^ 

a. 

Under  $12.00   . 

28 

$9.08 

$2.15 

23-7 

$3-8. 

42.0 

$.38 

4.2 

$  .66 

7.3   $2.07 

22.9 

$12.00-$  14.99  . 

'5 

13.23 

2-45 

.8.5 

5.6442.61  .72 

5-4 

■55 

4-2 

3.88 

29.3 

$15.00-$  19.99  . 

19 

■  7.65 

3-3' 

18.8 

7.04I39.9:  .61 

3-S 

1.07 

b.o 

8.81 

3'-9 

$20.00  and  over 

'5 

26.29 

4.72 

18.0 

9.8837.6    .92 

3-5 

i-95 

7-4 

33-5 

*  Of  the  qo  families,  13  owned  their  dwellings. 

45 


CHAPTER  IV 
RENT    IN    THE    HOUSEHOLD    BUDGET 

THE  type  of  house  available  at  a  given  time  in  any  com- 
munity, whether  the  tenement  of  the  city  or  the  frame 
cottage  of  the  country,  is  largely  determined  by  other  fac- 
tors than  individual  preference.  While  in  clothes,  in  food,  and 
in  amusements,  personal  likings  play  a  large  part,  in  housing 
a  certain  common  standard  is  accepted  to  which  most  people  con- 
form. Especially  is  this  true  in  a  growing  mill  town  like  Home- 
stead, where  in  prosperous  years  there  has  been  a  dearth  of  houses 
for  rent.  There  is  little  choice  in  the  kind  of  dwelling  a  working- 
man's  family  can  secure,  and  yet  the  house  itself  is  a  determining 
circumstance  in  shaping  the  character  of  the  home  life. 

As  in  most  American  towns  of  the  last  century's  building,  the 
original  lay-out  of  Homestead  had  little  to  commend  it.  Never- 
theless, the  plan  made  when  the  Homestead  Bank  and  Life  Insur- 
ance Company  plotted  its  first  lots  has  been  carried  out  in  the 
newer  parts  of  Munhall  and  West  Homestead,  as  well  as  in  the  cen- 
tral borough.  It  is  the  customary  checker-board  plan,  ill  adapted 
to  the  gullied  hill  slopes  and  triangular  flats  of  a  river  bend.  The 
streets  run  parallel  from  east  to  west,  intersected  almost  at  right 
angles  by  those  running  up  and  down  the  hill.  The  only  variation 
from  this  general  scheme  is  found  in  one  or  two  streets  in  Munhall, 
which  follow  the  beds  of  old  water  courses  and  have  kept  the  curve 
of  the  stream.  The  lots  in  Homestead  are  usually  narrow,  not  more 
than  20  or  25  feet  in  width.  Originally,  there  was  ample  room  be- 
tween the  streets  for  each  house  to  have  a  good  garden  in  the  rear, 
with  plenty  of  air  and  freedom,  and  in  the  more  open  parts  of  the 
town  these  gardens  are  still  a  source  of  pleasure.  But  in  other  sec- 
tions they  are  being  built  upon  and  rear  houses  are  multiplying 
along  the  alleys  which  were  cut  between  parallel  streets  to  give  ac- 
cess to  back  doors.     In  the  district  nearest  the  mill,  the  alleys  are 

46 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

paved  and  are  built  up  almost  solid.  The  houses  here,  though  still 
only  two  stories  high,  cover  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  land  as 
to  limit  the  amount  of  air  and  light  within  doors,  as  well  as  the 
space  left  for  the  children  to  play  outside.  This  region  is  occupied 
by  the  Slavs  and  will  be  described  in  a  later  section. 

The  hill  section,  which  forms  the  upper  part  of  all  three 
boroughs,  has  not  suffered  to  such  an  extent  from  the  overcrowd- 
ing of  the  land,  but  most  of  the  alleys,  still  unpaved,  are  littered 
with  rubbish  and  lined  with  outhouses  and  sheds.  Here  and  there 
are  forlorn  and  often  unsanitary  dwellings,  hardly  more  than 
shanties.  Such  hill-side  conditions  as  yet  tell  more  against  the 
sightliness  of  the  town  than  against  its  healthfulness. 

There  are  in  scattered  sections  attractive  residences  belong- 
ing to  business  and  professional  men ;  but  in  those  parts  of  Home- 
stead where  the  working  people  live,  few  evidences  are  to  be  found 
of  attempts  to  make  dwellings  attractive  architecturally.'  They 
are  of  that  dreary  type  of  small,  closely-set  frame  structure  so 
characteristic  of  a  rapidly  growing  industrial  community.  The  real 
estate  companies,  in  their  desire  for  economy,  naturally  plan  their 
houses  on  an  inexpensive  and,  as  far  as  possible,  uniform  scale,  and 
rising  land  values  lead  to  the  use  of  narrow  lots.  The  common  type 
of  house  has  four  rooms,  two  on  a  floor,  the  front  door  opening  di- 
rectly on  the  street.  The  stairway  to  the  second  story  occupies  a 
narrow  hall  between  the  two  lower  rooms.  Some  of  the  houses 
contain  five  rooms.  In  a  row  of  such  houses  the  dining  room, 
back  of  the  "front  room,"  is  lighted  only  by  a  window  on  the 
narrow  passageway  between  houses,  and  is  never  reached  by  direct 
sunlight.  The  monotony  of  street  after  street  is  broken  only  by 
the  bits  of  lawn  and  flowers  in  front.  Where  there  are  yards  in 
the  rear,  they  serve  as  play  places  for  the  children,  and  offer  rest 
and  refreshment  to  the  grownups.  As  the  men  are  usually  too 
tired  to  enjoy  working  in  them,  the  women  often  assume  the  task  of 
keeping  the  flowers  and  grass  in  order  and  find  it  a  welcome  change 
from  the  hot  kitchen.  One  garden,  hardly  20  feet  square,  had 
along  one  fence  a  thick  row  of  violets  that  the  daughter  had 
brought  from  the  woods;  a  pink  "bleeding  heart"  and  several 
flourishing  rose  bushes  grew  beside  the  house.  The  square  in  the 
center,  where  grass  was  being  coaxed  to  grow,  was  reserved  for 

47 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

the  drying  of  clothes.  The  house  contained  but  five  rooms,  and 
with  seven  children  the  parents  rejoiced  in  the  freshness  and  quiet 
of  the  yard  in  the  evening.  The  garden  pictured  on  the  opposite 
page,  luxuriant  with  shrubs  and  flowers  and  vegetables,  formed  a 
fine  playground  for  children,  puppies,  and  Belgian  hares. 

On  the  hill  the  gardens  have  a  substantial  aspect.  One 
family  utilized  an  empty  lot,  and  the  beans,  squashes,  and  other 
vegetables  raised  there  so  decreased  the  family's  cost  of  living 
that  they  declined  to  keep  an  account  since  they  said  it  would 
not  fairly  represent  their  table  expenses.  An  item  of  sixty 
cents  for  garden  seeds  in  the  early  spring  in  another  family's  bud- 
get gave  promise  of  both  pleasure  and  profit.  Many  of  the 
families  also  save  a  good  deal  by  keeping  hens.  On  one  visit, 
hearing  a  curious  noise  beneath  my  chair,  I  looked  down  to  find  a 
friendly  chicken  which  had  come  for  a  feast  of  crumbs.  One 
woman  kept  a  few  hens  to  provide  fresh  eggs  for  her  husband's 
bucket.  After  his  death  she  found  that  by  selling  them  she  could 
add  a  little  to  a  slender  income.  The  gardens  too  develop  neigh- 
borliness  of  spirit,  since  the  women  often  discuss  over  the  fences 
their  horticultural  ambitions. 

In  view  of  the  unenviable  reputation  of  "company  houses" 
everywhere,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  those  owned  and  rented 
by  the  Carnegie  Land  Company  in  Munhall  are  the  best  houses  for 
the  money  in  the  town.  Though  built  in  solid  rows  and  wearisomely 
uniform  they  are  immaculately  neat,  with  squares  of  lawn  and 
shade  trees  in  front.  These  houses,  which  consist  of  five  small 
rooms,  neatly  finished,  with  running  water  in  the  house,  but  with  no 
bathroom,  rent  for  $i  i  a  month.  Electric  lights  are  furnished  at 
a  cost  of  $1.50  a  month.  Another  company  row  contains  four- 
room  houses,  without  lights  or  running  water,  which  rent  for  $8.50. 
Though  some  families  feel  a  lack  of  privacy  in  these  unbroken 
blocks  there  is  always  a  waiting  list.  Throughout  Munhall,  the 
cottages  vary  more  in  design  and  the  lawns  are  larger  than  in  the 
other  boroughs.  Sixteenth  Avenue,  for  instance,  is  an  example  of 
effective,  inexpensive  house-building. 

Bearing  these  general  conditions  in  mind,  the  facts  in  regard 
to  the  houses  of  a  few  of  the  budget  families  will  give  us  a  back- 
ground for  the  tables  to  follow.    They  will  suggest  how  individual 

48 


Back  Yard  Possibilities  in  Homestead — I 


Phot,,  b\  Hi 


Back  Yard  Possibilities  in  Homestead — II 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

and  racial  preferences  modify  the  general  tendency  to  pay  more 
rent  as  income  increases. 

Davis.*  Colored.  Man,  wife  and  four  children.  Man 
a  hod  carrier  with  irregular  work  at  $3.00  a  day.  They  live 
in  a  small  dilapidated  house,  built  in  the  middle  of  a  lot  on 
an  alley.  Water  in  yard.  Unsewered  closets  emptied  by  town 
on  application.     Three  rooms.     $7.50  a  month. 

Chismer.  Slav.  Man,  wife,  two  small  children.  Man 
a  laborer  in  mill,  $1 .65  a  day.  House  on  alley,  no  yard,  water 
from  hydrant  in  court,  unflushed  toilet.  Two  rooms.  $8.00 
a  month. 

Chech.  Slav.  Man,  wife,  two  children  and  two  board- 
ers. Man  earns  $15  a  week  in  the  mill.  Water  and  toilet  in 
yard.    Two  rooms  each  about  15  feet  square.    $8.00  a  month. 

Jones.  American.  Man,  wife,  seven  children.  Man 
earns  $17  a  week  in  the  mill.  Small  frame  house  on  alley. 
Practically  no  yard.  Water  in  house.  Toilet  in  yard. 
Three  rooms.     $11  a  month. 

McCarthy.  Irish.  Man,  wife,  four  children.  Man 
earns  $16  a  week  in  mill.  Half  a  double  house,  unattrac- 
tive. Small  yard.  Water  and  toilet  in  yard.  Four  rooms. 
$12  a  month. 

Brown.  American.  Man,  wife,  five  children.  Man 
earns  $15  a  week  and  son  $5.00  a  week  in  the  mill.  Small 
frame  house,  very  close  to  mill.  Small  porch  directly  on 
street.  Small  yard.  Running  water  in  house,  toilet  in  yard. 
Five  rooms.     $12.50  a  month. 

Schmidt.  German-American.  Young  couple,  one 
child.  Man  earns  $50  a  month.  Small  house  in  row.  No 
hall.  Water  from  hydrant  on  porch  used  by  several  families. 
No  yard.     Three  rooms.     $13  a  month. 

Kocis.  Slav.  Here  twelve  years.  Man,  wife,  three 
children,  five  boarders.  Man  earns  $10.80  a  week.  Fairly 
large  yard.  Water  and  closet  in  yard.  Four  rooms,  one 
dark.     $14  a  month. 

Evans.  American.  Man,  wife,  one  child,  lodger.  Man 
earns  $3.00  a  day.  Attractive  house.  Small  porch.  Good 
yard.     Toilet  and  water  in  house.     Four  rooms    .$i5amonth. 

Lewis.  Colored.  Man,  wife,  three  children,  the  oldest 
six.  Man  earns  $2.10  a  day  in  the  mill.  Rather  shabby  but 
comfortable  frame  house  on  outskirts  of  town.  A  large 
garden,  which  they  cultivate.  Water  from  pump  in  yard. 
Closet  not  connected  with  sewer.     Five  rooms.     $16  a  month. 

*  The  names  used  throughout  this  book  are  fictitious. 

4  49 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Smith.  American.  No  children.  Man  earns  $18 
a  week  in  mill.  Half  of  double  house  with  only  narrow  path 
at  side.  Toilet  and  running  water  in  house.  Five  rooms. 
$20  a  month. 

Burns.  Scotch.  Man,  wife,  two  sons  at  work,  three 
children  in  school.  Total  income  about  $30  a  week.  Frame 
house,  only  a  narrow  path  on  each  side.  Small  porch  directly 
on  street.  Good  yard  behind.  Water  in  house,  closet  in 
yard.     Six  rooms.     $24  a  month. 

Seventy-seven  of  the  90  budget  keepers  were  tenant  families 
Their  expenditures  for  rent  during  the  period  studied  are  shown 
in  Table  11. 

TABLE    II. — AVERAGE    AMOUNT   OF    RENT    PER   WEEK    PAID    BY    THE 
77  HOUSE-RENTING   FAMILIES. — BY   EXPENDITURE  AND   RACIAL 


Under 

$12.00- 

$15.00- 

$20.00 

Average 

$12.00 

$14.99 

$19.99 

and  Over 

of  All 

.. 

^^ 

■*-     i 

^ 

^ 

Racial  Group 

Aver- 

k-3 

Aver- 

feaj   Aver- 

*»  -~ 

Aver- 

fcsj 

Aver- 

-o a 

age 

►0  5 

age 

f  S       age 

age 

f  s 

age 

J* 

Rent 

1* 

Rent 

§£     Rent 

^      1 

1* 

Rent 

Jk 

Rent 

Colored       . 

II 

$2.22 

6 

$2.37 

5 

$2.96 

I 

$2.50 

23 

$2.43 

Slav.   . 

n 

..64 

5 

2.41 

6 

2-77 

3 

2.62 

27 

2.14 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.   . 

2 

3-38 

3 

2.50 

2 

375 

3 

5-35 

10 

3.78 

Nat.  White 

2 

3.85 

1 

3.00 

6 

3-99 

8 

3.5b 

'7 

4.65 

Total  families    . 

28 

IS 

IQ 

"5 

77 

Average  rent 

$2..  5 

$2.45 

$3-3' 

$4.72 

$3.00 

With  a  few  exceptions,  there  is  of  course  in  each  racial 
group  a  general  increase  in  rent  according  to  the  amount 
of  income.  But  in  each  expenditure  class  the  Slav  spends  less 
rent  on  the  average  than  do  the  English-speaking  Europeans  and 
Americans.  In  the  lowest  and  the  highest  groups  the  expenditure 
of  the  other  whites  is  more  than  double  that  of  the  Slavs.  The 
low  expenditure  for  rent  among  a  majority  of  the  Slavic  and 
colored  families  goes  hand  in  hand  with  overcrowding  and  un- 
sanitary tenements,  a  fact  borne  out  not  only  by  the  vivid  im- 
pression of  squalor  received  by  the  chance  visitor  to  the  courts 

50 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

and  alleys  in  which  many  of  them  live,  but  by  a  scrutiny  of  the 
accommodations  which  they  secure  for  themselves.*  Taking  the 
room  as  the  unit  and  stating  the  proposition  roughly  for  all  90 
families,  in  nearly  three  out  of  five  of  the  older  immigrant  families 
there  was  but  one  person  to  a  room.  The  same  was  true  in  four 
out  of  five  of  the  native  white  families,  but  of  only  one  out  of  five 
of  the  Slavic.  Fourteen  families  out  of  17  of  those  in  which  there 
were  three  persons  to  the  room  were  Slavs. f 

The  fact  that  the  Slavs  and  the  colored  people  come  nearest 
in  their  expenditures  suggests  that  the  housing  standard  first 
adopted  by  the  former  is  very  like  that  of  the  working  Negro. 

Turning  to  the  size  of  the  dwelling,  10  out  of  13  of  the  older 
immigrant  stock  %  lived  in  houses  with  four  or  more  rooms, 
and  22  out  of  25  of  the  native  white;  moreover,  10  of  the 
latter  had  houses  of  six  rooms.  On  the  other  hand,  one-half  of 
the  Slavic  and  colored  families  lived  in  one-  or  two-room  houses. 
It  was  among  these  groups  in  the  budget  families,  and  only  among 
these,  that  such  small  homes  were  found.  This  was  a  level  to 
which  the  mill  workers  who  had  lived  here  since  before  the  strike 
did  not  go.  It  was  a  level  still  more  desperately  depressed  by 
overcrowding  in  the  lodging  houses  of  the  Slavic  courts. 

But  while  thus  recognizing  that  racial  standards  modify 
rental  expenditures,  an  economic  analysis  of  these  same  budgets 
shows  that  the  determining  factor  is  wages.  The  two  races 
spending  the  smallest  per  cent  for  rent  are  those  with  the  lowest 
incomes.  They  give  too  small  a  margin  for  the  family  to  consider 
how  desirable  a  better  home  would  be.  As  it  is,  these  poorest 
families  put  a  greater  proportion  of  their  expenditures  into  rent 
(Table  13)  than  do  any  of  the  others,  the  percentage  being  a 
third  higher,  23.7  per  cent  as  against  18.5  per  cent,  18.8  per  cent, 
18  per  cent.g 

*  Four  out  of  five  of  the  native  white,  and  three  out  of  five  of  other  Euro- 
peans had  running  water  in  the  house,  as  against  less  than  two  out  of  five  for  colored 
or  Slavs.  Only  three  houses  out  of  65  occupied  by  families  other  than  native  whites 
contained  indoor  toilets,  while  12  out  of  25  houses  occupied  by  native  whites  were 
provided  with  them. 

f  Appendix  I,  Table  5,  p.  202. 

X  Appendix  I,  Table  7,  p.  202. 

§  These  percentages  for  rent  are  not  widely  different  from  those  given  by 
Mr.  Chapin  in  his  study  of  conditions  among  tenement  families  in  New  York  City 

5' 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

table  12. — expenditure  for  rent  of  77  house-renting  fami- 
lies, average  amount  and  percentage  of  total  ex- 
penditure.— by  racial  group 


Racial  Group 

Number  of 
Families 

Average 

Weekly 

Expenditure 

Average 

Expenditure 

for  Rent 

Per  cent 
for  Rent 

Slavs  . 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.  . 

Nat.  White       . 

Colored 

27 
10 

•7 
23 

$12.93 
17.90 

21.72 
12.39 

$2.14 

4.65 

2.43 

16.6 
21.1 

21.4 
19.6 

TABLE  13. — EXPENDITURE  FOR  RENT  OF  77  HOUSE-RENTING  FAMI- 
LIES. AVERAGE  AMOUNT  AND  PERCENTAGE  OF  TOTAL  EX- 
PENDITURE.— BY   EXPENDITURE   GROUP 


Expenditure 
Group 

Number  of 
Families 

Average 

Weekly 

Expenditure 

Average 

Expenditure 

for  Rent 

Per  cent 
for  Rent 

Under $12.00  . 
$12.00-$  1 4.99  . 
$15.00-$  1 9.99  . 
$20.00  and  over 

28 
•5 
19 
■5 

$  9.08 
13.23 

17.65 
26.29 

$2.15 
2.45 

3-3' 

4.72 

237 

.8.5 
18.8 
18.0 

Rent  in  the  77  Homestead  tenant  families  rises  steadily 
(Table  13)  from  an  average  of  $2.1 5  per  week  paid  by  the  laborer 
who  works  for  $1.65  per  day  to  the  $4.72  per  week  paid  on  an 
average  by  the  skilled  steel  worker.  How  far  overcrowding 
decreases  in  proportion  to  the  extra  expenditure  can  be  summed 
up  briefly  :*  Of  the  48  families  in  the  group  spending  under  $  1 5  (in- 
cluding the  house  owners),  26,  or  over  one-half,  were  living  with 
two  or  more  persons  to  the  room;  of  the  42  families  spending  more 
than  $15,  only  14,  or  one-third,  had  two  or  more  persons  to  the 

where  families  with  an  income  of  §500  to  §599  spend  25.9  per  cent  for  rent,  and 
those  with  an  income  of  $1000  to  $1009  spend  18. 1  per  cent-  Chapin,  Robert 
Coit:  The  Standard  of  Living  among  Workingmen's  Families  in  New  York  City, 
p.  70.  (New  York,  Charities  Publication  Committee,  1909.  Russell  Sage  Founda- 
tion Publication.)  The  percentages  are  far  in  excess  of  the  figures  given  for  normal 
families  by  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor  which  reports  16  per  cent  for  170  families 
with  an  income  of  $800  to  $900,  and  only  12  percent  for  families  with  an  income 
of  $750  to  $1100.  Eighteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor, 
1903. 

*  Appendix  I,  Table  6,  p.  202. 

52 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

room;  and  of  the  19  families  spending  over  $20,  only  five,  or  one- 
fourth.  Of  the  21  budget  families  who  lived  in  two  rooms,  over 
half  had  less  than  $12  per  week  to  spend;  of  the  five  who  lived 
in  one  room,  none  had  over  that  sum.* 

These  figures  do  not  sustain  the  oft  repeated  declaration  that 
people  would  not  live  better  if  they  could.  With  the  lowest  paid 
workers  spending  a  larger  per  cent  of  their  weekly  fund  for  rent 
than  the  better-to-do,  and  with  overcrowding  nearly  absent  in  the 
better  paid  groups,  we  have  tangible  indications  that  overcrowd- 
ing is  ordinarily  a  result  of  financial  necessity,  rather  than  of 
either  hoarding  or  spendthrift  habits.  I  am  speaking  here  of  the 
families  who  rent  small  houses  or  let  out  their  rooms,  rather  than 
of  the  lodgers  who  room  with  them.  When  income  permits,  most 
families  secure  room  enough  to  make  a  genuine  home  life  possible. 
How  long  people  would  maintain  this  standard  in  the  face  of  pro- 
longed hard  times  it  is  difficult  to  say.  Since  the  depression  of 
1908  was  recognized  as  temporary,  landlords  were  lenient  and 
waited  for  their  rents.  Residents  and  real  estate  men,  however, 
told  of  many  families  who  moved  to  smaller  tenements,  and  the 
unusual  sight  of  "to  let"  signs  among  the  better  houses  bore  wit- 
ness to  the  change.  A  couple  who  had  considered  a  $25  five- 
room  house  none  too  spacious,  sublet  two  rooms  for  $8.00  to 
another  couple  who  had  formerly  occupied  a  three-room  $12  tene- 
ment. This  process,  which  was  going  on  throughout  the  town 
during  the  months  of  the  depression,  shows  that  rent  is  an  item 
that  is  cut  down  when  economy  becomes  necessary.  As  it  hap- 
pened, none  of  the  budget  families  moved  during  this  period,  and 
the  expenditures  for  rent  given  are  those  of  normal  times. 

To  turn  from  overcrowding  to  sanitation,  I  often  found  that 
in  a  house  which  had  abundance  of  light  and  air  the  water  faucet 
was  located  on  the  back  porch  instead  of  in  the  kitchen,  and  that 
even  when  there  was  running  water  in  the  house  the  only  toilet 
was  a  privy  vault  in  the  back  yard.  These  defects,  though  due  in 
part  to  the  political  inaction  which  has  resulted  in  a  bad  water 
supply  and  to  inadequate  housing  ordinances,  constitute  partly 
an  individual  problem,  involved  in  the  relation  of  landlord  to 
tenant. 

*  Appendix  I,  Table  8,  p.  203. 

53 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


How  far  property  owners  were  in  a  position  to  disregard  the 
desires  of  tenants,  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  when  I  came  to 
Homestead  in  the  fall  of  1907,  there  were  few  houses  for  rent  in  the 
whole  town.  My  impression  of  the  general  situation  was  that  the 
under-supply  enabled  landlords  to  let  unimproved  dwellings  at 
profitable  rentals  without  having  to  put  them  in  good  order; 
and  that  these  sanitary  deficiencies  were  submitted  to  by  many 
people,  not  because  they  did  not  desire  better  conditions,  but 
because  they  were  unable  to  pay  the  higher  rates  demanded  for 
improved  homes.  The  average  rent  per  month  per  room  of  the 
houses  occupied  by  the  90  budget  families  was  I3.93.  The  average 
rent  per  month  of  houses  in  the  courts,  where  conditions  were  ex- 
ceedingly bad,  was  but  $3.63  a  room,  and  that  of  houses  on  the 
hill  occupied  by  the  native  whites  $4.14.  The  difference  between 
these  last  two  rents,  then,  for  a  house  of  four  rooms,  was  over 
$2.00  a  month. 

TABLE    14. — FAMILIES  HAVING  RUNNING  WATER  IN  THE  HOUSE  AND 
INDOOR  CLOSETS. — BY  WEEKLY   RENT 


Normal  Weekly  Rent 


Under$2.oo. 
$2.00  to  $2.99 
$3.00  to  $3.90. 
$4.00  to  $4.99 
$5.00  to  $5.99 
$6.00  to  $6.99 
$7.00  and  over 

Owning  homes 


Number  of 
Families 


Running  Water 
in  House 


Indoor  Closets 


Total 


47 


Sanitary  conveniences  go  (or  do  not  go)  with  a  house  as  a 
whole.  Only  three  out  of  16  of  the  families  whose  rent  was  less 
than  $2.00  a  week  had  running  water  in  the  building;  one-third 
of  those  who  paid  less  than  $3.00  had  running  water  inside;  two- 
thirds  of  those  who  paid  between  $3.00  and  $5.00;  and  all  those 
paying  over  $5.00.  Nine  out  of  13  of  the  house-owners,  moreover, 
had  running  water  in  their  homes.     Seven  out  of  1 1  of  the  families 

54 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

paying  $5.00  or  more  had  indoor  closets,  as  against  four  out  of 
66  paying  less  than  that  sum. 

Taken  together,  these  facts  express  fairly  the  desire  of 
American  and  English-speaking  European  families  to  have  houses 
which  in  size,  sanitation,  and  conveniences  would  make  a  normal 
and  efficient  life  possible.  With  the  existing  prices  in  Homestead, 
the  amount  expended  for  rent  by  the  households  whose  budgets  ran 
over  $20  a  week  ($4.72)  was  none  too  large  for  the  average  family 
which  desired  sanitary  conveniences  and  a  sufficient  number  of 
rooms  to  insure  privacy  and  the  development  of  the  home.  The  sum 
paid  for  rent  by  those  who  had  less  than  $12  a  week  to  cover  all 
expenditures  ($2.15)  did  not  provide  bare  sanitary  surroundings. 

As  I  passed  in  and  out  of  the  homes  1  was  impressed  with 
the  genuine  strength  of  the  family  ideals  manifested  in  simple 
and  externally  unattractive  dwellings;  for  standards  of  home  life 
depend  upon  more  than  rooms  and  running  water.  It  has  often 
been  said  that  the  first  evidence  of  the  growth  of  the  social  instinct 
in  any  family  is  the  desire  to  have  a  parlor.  In  Homestead  this 
ambition  has  in  many  cases  been  attained.  Not  every  family, 
it  is  true,  can  afford  one,  yet  among  my  English-speaking  acquaint- 
ances even  the  six  families  each  of  whom  lived  in  three  rooms 
attempted  to  have  at  least  the  semblance  of  a  room  devoted  to 
sociability.  In  one  three-room  house,  where  there  were  seven 
children,  a  room  which  had  in  it  a  folding  bed,  a  wardrobe,  the 
carriage  where  the  baby  slept  in  the  daytime,  and  the  sewing 
machine,  was  referred  to  with  pride  as  the  "front  room,"  a  phrase 
with  a  significance  quite  beyond  its  suggestion  of  locality. 

Much  money  and  interest  go  toward  making  this  room  the 
center  of  home  life.  Here  in  the  evening  the  family  gathers  about 
the  soft  coal  or  gas  grate,  while  the  mother  sews,  and  one  of  the 
older  children  plays  to  the  father.  Such  "front  rooms"  are  the 
scenes  of  those  simple  festivities  which  enliven  existence  in  this 
town.  One  mother  described  happily  the  evenings  with  her  chil- 
dren: "  My  boys  are  so  musical  and  the  other  fellows  come  in  and 
we  all  have  such  a  good  sing  together,  and  then  Mamie  dances 
the  Highland  Fling.  They  offered  to  pay  her  to  do  it  in  the 
nickelodeon,  but  the  boys  won't  let  her  do  it  away  from  home." 

55 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

The  furniture,  though  sometimes  of  the  green  plush  variety, 
often  displays  simplicity  and  taste.  A  center  table,  a  few  chairs, 
a  couch,  and  frequently  either  an  organ  or  piano  complete  the 
furnishings.  Usually  there  are  pictures— the  family  portraits  or 
some  colored  lithographs — and  almost  always  that  constant  friend 
of  the  family,  the  brilliantly  colored  insurance  calendar.  Pic- 
tures of  one  or  two  such  rooms  will  show  how  well  the  women  have 
succeeded  in  making  them  homelike. 

In  the  four-room  houses,  the  family  eat  in  the  kitchen.  In 
five-room  houses  we  find  an  anomaly  known  as  the  "dining  room." 
Though  a  full  set  of  dining  room  furniture,  sideboard,  table  and 
dining  chairs,  are  usually  in  evidence,  they  are  rarely  used  at  meals. 
The  family  sewing  is  frequently  done  there,  the  machine  standing 
in  the  corner  by  the  window;  and  sometimes,  too,  the  ironing,  to 
escape  the  heat  of  the  kitchen;  but  rarely  is  the  room  used  for 
breakfast,  dinner  or  supper.  One  woman  said,  "My  daughter  is 
in  High  School,  and  she  thought  we  ought  to  eat  there  and  said 
she  would  wait  on  the  table,  but  in  about  a  week  I  noticed  she 
set  the  table  in  the  kitchen  again."  Where  there  is  no  servant  it 
is  much  easier  to  cook  and  serve  in  the  same  room ;  so  the  dining 
room,  though  finding  plenty  of  use,  does  not  live  up  to  its  name. 

The  kitchen  is  the  important  room  of  the  house.  Here  the 
mother  spends  the  day,  here  the  family  meet  for  meals  and  the 
children  come  between  times  for  the  much  sought  for  "piece." 
The  furnishings  usually  include  a  good  range,  either  coal  or  gas; 
which  most  Homestead  housewives  consider  a  necessity.  As  few 
houses  have  running  water  inside,  set  tubs  are  rare,  but  washing 
machines,  which  cost  about  $15,  are  more  often  found.  The 
kitchen  usually  opens  on  the  garden,  and  in  the  sections  where 
rear  houses  have  not  been  built  this  space  provides  also  a  place 
where  the  children  can  play  under  their  mother's  eye. 

Throughout  the  part  of  the  town  occupied  by  the  English- 
speaking  workmen,  we  find  these  evidences  of  a  very  real  interest 
in  the  home.  More  substantial  proof  of  the  instinct  of  homemak- 
ing  is  shown  in  the  often  heroic  efforts  to  buy  the  house.  In  view 
of  the  number  of  families  who  could  not  pay  sufficient  rent  to 
secure  either  rooms  enough  for  comfortable  living  or  sanitary 
conveniences,  it  is  a  striking  fact  that  according  to  the  census 

56 


Plmln  bv  nine 


A  " Front  Room 


Pholo  by  Hine 

Row    of    Detached    Workingmen's    Houses    in    Munhall;    Mill    Stacks 
Showing  above  Housetops 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

figures  of  1900,  586  families  in  Homestead  borough,  25.7  per  cent 
of  the  total  number,  held  title  to  their  homes;  and  47.4  per  cent 
of  these  were  free  from  encumbrance.  Personal  interviews  have 
corroborated  this  evidence  that  mill-town  workingmen  wish  to 
own  their  dwellings. 

In  the  budget  families,  eight  out  of  25  Americans,  three 
out  of  13  of  the  English-speaking  Europeans  and  two  of  the  29 
Slavs  owned  their  homes,  and  five  others  were  buying  them. 
While  none  of  these  earned  normally  under  $12,  not  all  belonged 
to  the  highest  wage  group.  Five  had  an  income  of  $12  to  $14.99, 
two  of  $1 5  to  $19.99,  and  1 1  of  $20  or  over.  For  the  five  on  the 
lower  income  it  had  been  a  slow  process  to  buy  a  home,  requiring 
much  self-denial. 


TABLE    15.  —  lb    HOUSE-PURCHASERS     AMONG  90   BUDGET  FAMILIES. 
— BY   NORMAL  WEEKLY  INCOME  AND  BY  RACIAL  GROUP 


Racial  Group 

Number 
of  Budget 
Families 

Number 
Purchas- 
ing 
Homes 

Families  in  Which  Man 
Normally   Earned 

Under 
$12.00 

$12.00- 
$14.99 

$15.00- 
$19.99 

$20.00 

and  over 

Slav 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur. 

Nat.  White     .       .       . 

Colored    .... 

29 
13 

25 
23 

3 
5 
10 

1 
3 

; 

1 
9 

Total 

90 

18* 

5 

2 

1 1 

*  13  families  owned  their  houses;    5  were  paying  instalments. 


Ownership  is  made  possible  in  many  cases  by  the  attitude 
of  the  real  estate  companies,  which  in  Homestead  prefer  building 
for  sale  rather  than  for  rent,  and  which  safeguard  their  clients  in 
such  a  way  that  workingmen  dare  to  buy.  They  have  made 
buying  a  very  simple  proposition.  The  purchaser  pays  down  a 
small  sum,  sometimes  as  low  as  $150.  The  company  assumes  the 
obligation  of  paying  interest  on  the  mortgage,  insurance,  taxes, 

57 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

etc.,  and  the  buyer  pays  a  monthly  instalment  large  enough  to 
cover  this  and  make  a  small  reduction  on  the  principal.  For 
instance,  a  neat  five-room  frame  cottage  with  running  water  in 
the  kitchen  but  containing  no  bathroom,  is  worth  about  $2000.* 
Of  this  sum  the  purchaser  pays  $300  down,  and  his  monthly 
instalment  is  $17.  Smaller  houses  can  be  purchased  with  in- 
stalments correspondingly  reduced. 

About  twenty  years  ago  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company  started 
the  plan  of  permitting  their  employes  to  deposit  money  with  the 
company.  At  that  time  also  the  company  commenced  making 
loans  to  employes  to  assist  them  in  purchasing  homes.  It  was 
believed  the  deposits  would  be  offset  by  the  amount  loaned  for 
this  purpose,  but  it  did  not  work  out  that  way,  the  loans  not 
equalling  the  deposits.  Accordingly,  for  a  number  of  years  the 
extension  of  deposits  by  employes  has  not  been  encouraged, 
although  any  employe  who  chooses  to  do  so  is  permitted  to  open 
an  account.  At  the  present  time  only  about  1100  employes  in 
the  different  plants  of  the  company  are  depositors.  Loans  up  to 
two-thirds  of  the  value  of  the  property  are  made  to  employes  to 
aid  them  in  buying  homes.  Interest  is  charged  at  the  rate  of 
5  per  cent  per  annum  plus  the  state  tax.f     The  principal  is  pay- 

*  The  Homestead  Realty  Company  will  mortgage  such  a  house  for  $1,000, 
and  sell  the  property  on  monthly  payments,  taking  a  second  mortgage  for  the 
balance  less  the  money  paid  down  by  the  purchaser.  If  the  family  pays  §300  down, 
this  second  mortgage 'would  be  §700.  The  company  sells  on  the  plan  of  one  dollar 
per  month  for  each  $100  of  indebtedness.  In  this  case,  therefore,  the  monthly  pay- 
ment would  be  $17,  half  of  which  would  be  applied  against  the  indebtedness,  and 
the  other  half  would  just  cover  the  six  per  cent  interest  on  the  mortgages.  Every 
six  months  the  company  gives  credit  on  the  indebtedness,  thus  reducing  the  in- 
terest charges;  it  deducts  taxes,  etc.,  on  the  other  hand,  from  the  payments  made. 
By  this  system  the  second  mortgage  of  $700  would  probably  be  cleared  by  the 
monthly  payments  in  six  years;  in  other  words,  the  family  would  be  down  to  the 
first  mortgage.  From  this  point  on,  as  this  is  only  a  50  per  cent  mortgage,  they  are 
able  to  shift  for  themselves  without  the  interference  of  the  company.  In  view  of 
the  fact  that  good  locations  in  Homestead  are  very  scarce,  the  manager  states 
that  families  who  have  paid  in  $500  or  $600,  and  then  desired  to  leave  town,  have 
always  been  able  to  turn  their  property  over  at  as  much,  or  even  more,  than  they 
paid  for  it. 

f  A  point  of  contrast  between  the  house-building  operations  in  such  an 
American  mill  town,  and  those  in  certain  of  the  European  industrial  centers,  is  the 
fact  that  on  the  loaned  capital  by  which  the  American  workman  becomes  a  house- 
owner,  he  pays  a  rate  not  much  if  any  less  than  that  paid  by  any  small  individual 
borrower.  Through  the  Industrial  Insurance  Funds  of  Germany,  and  grants  by 
the  governmental  authorities  in  Great  Britain,  such  building  operations  can  be 
financed  at  a  much  lower  rate. 

58 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

able  in  monthly  instalments.  At  the  present  time  165  employes 
have  loans  from  the  company. 

Some  of  the  other  means  adopted  to  secure  a  home  are  illus- 
trated in  the  story  of  a  delightful  Englishman,  once  a  silk  weaver 
but  now  an  engineer  in  the  mill,  who  lives  in  Munhall  Hollow. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  Homestead  is  all  but  forgotten  by  its 
people,  but  the  story  of  this  man's  house  building  shows  much  of 
the  spirit  of  the  old  settlers.  When  he  wished  to  build,  he  had 
very  little  money.  Mr.  Munhall,  who  was  then  living,  gave  him 
a  note  to  a  lumber  firm,  who  sold  him  $200  worth  of  lumber  on 
credit.  He  paid  down  $24  for  the  lease  of  a  lot.*  Since  he  did  part 
of  the  work,  the  labor  cost  on  his  three-room  house  was  only  about 
$40.  As  soon  as  these  debts  were  paid,  he  incurred  another  for 
I200  in  order  to  enlarge  the  kitchen  and  build  a  second  bedroom 
over  it;  then  he  added  a  front  porch  and  later  a  shed  in  the  rear 
for  a  storehouse,  with  a  chicken  coop  beside  it.  All  this  was  done 
while  there  were  three  children  at  home,  and  on  the  income  of  an 
engineer,  not  over  I3.00  a  day.  Now  he  and  his  wife,  despite  the 
disadvantage  of  not  having  a  freehold  in  the  land,  take  in  their 
comfortable  though  simple  home  the  pride  of  the  creator  as  well  as 
of  the  owner — a  feeling  rare  in  these  days  of  huge  tenements  and 
"company  houses,"  when  men  accept  whatever  can  be  had  for 
the  renting  and  when  long  shifts  make  it  difficult  for  them  to  put 
the  work  of  their  hands  into  their  homes  if  they  would. 

When  the  house  is  paid  for,  the  family  often  takes  a  genuine 
pleasure  in  its  improvement.  Sometimes  it  is  the  addition  of  a 
bathroom;  sometimes  the  re-papering  in  the  spring  which  the 
busy  mother  finds  time  to  do;  sometimes  the  building  of  a  wash- 
house  in  the  yard.  To  plan  and  carry  out  these  improvements 
always  means  the  development  of  a  sense  of  family  life  and  its 
common  interests.  One  Italian  family  had  been  world  wanderers, 
going  from  Sicily  where  the  man  was  a  stone  mason,  to  France; 
from  there  to  South  America,  to  pick  coffee  on  a  Brazilian  planta- 
tion; and  at  last  they  had  come  to  America.  In  each  of  three 
places  in  this  country  in  which  they  had  lived  they  had  secured  a 

*  Criticism  was  made  in  an  earlier  chapter  (p.  26)  of  the  undesirable  features 
of  the  leasing  system  of  the  John  Munhall  Estate,  which  affects  between  two  and 
three  hundred  families  in  the  community.  In  this  instance  the  plan  did  not  work 
out  unhappily. 

59 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

bit  of  property.  Now,  as  the  man  was  earning  $2.50  a  day  and 
two  relatives  boarded  with  them,  he  could  buy  a  four-room  house 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  worth  $1500.  During  the  summer, 
after  work  hours  he  built  a  fence,  a  hen  house,  and  a  cold  frame  for 
vegetables,  and  began  to  get  his  ground  in  shape  for  a  good 
garden.  When  winter  came  he  went  to  work  on  a  basement 
kitchen  so  that  the  first  floor  could  be  kept  for  living  rooms. 
He  dug  and  plastered  and  ceiled  it  with  matched  wood,  till  it  was 
snug  and  cozy. 

To  have  a  bathroom  is  a  real  ambition  with  the  native  white 
families,  and  some  of  those  who  live  in  the  otherwise  excellently 
equipped  company  houses  mentioned  the  lack  of  one  as  a  great 
drawback  to  their  convenience.  A  number  of  families  who 
owned  their  houses  had  themselves  gone  to  the  expense  of  putting 
in  baths,  while  others  proposed  some  day  to  do  the  same.  The 
woman  of  the  Italian  family  just  referred  to,  who  lives  on  one  of 
the  unsewered  streets  on  the  hill,  told  me  eagerly  that  she  expected 
to  have  a  bath  as  soon  as  the  town  provided  water,  an  indication, 
in  passing,  of  how  the  town  government  often  lags  behind  the 
ambitions  of  individual  householders. 

Much  of  the  burden  of  buying  the  home  falls  on  the  house- 
wife. She  must  make  the  needed  economies  if  the  extra  money  is 
to  be  forthcoming;  she  must  see  that  the  sum  is  ready  when  the 
days  for  payments  come.  The  final  value  of  the  effort  is  shown  in 
the  case  of  one  family  who  bought  a  house  when  the  sons  were 
at  home  helping  to  swell  the  income.  Now  when  the  boys  are 
married  and  gone,  and  the  father,  no  longer  strong,  earns  but 
$2.25  a  day,  the  parents  can  still  live  in  simple  comfort.  Another 
instance  was  that  of  a  couple  from  the  country  who  started  to  buy 
when  they  were  first  married.  In  the  course  of  five  years,  on  an 
income  of  about  $2.75  a  day,  they  had  purchased  a  comfortable 
five-room  house.  One  Friday  the  young  husband  made  the  last 
payment  and  on  Monday  he  was  killed  in  the  mill,  leaving  his 
wife  to  provide  for  three  children.  By  renting  three  rooms  for 
$10  a  month  and  by  taking  in  washing,  she  hoped,  with  the  money 
coming  from  the  company  and  his  insurance,  to  maintain  herself. 

Granted  the  obvious  advantages  in  house  ownership,  why 
after  all  does  not  everybody  buy  ?    Some  families,  it  is  true,  can- 

60 


wf^^^^m*  -if*^^ 

i.  Frame  Houses.     Five  rooms  and  bath. 

2.  Brick  Houses.     Four  rooms  and  bath;  cemented  cellars;   yard  40  x  400. 

$2700  to  $2800.     Built  by  Homestead  Realty  Co. 

3.  Residence  Street.     Tenanted  largely  by  business  and  professional  men. 

The  first  and  third  houses  are  owned  by  mill  men  not  superintendents. 


RENT  IN  THE  HOUSEHOLD  BUDGET 

not  save  even  $150,  nor  spare  the  small  extra  sums  involved  in 
the  monthly  payments.  The  study  of  the  budgets  of  families  living 
on  $12  or  under  a  week  reveals  too  small  a  margin  after  the  neces- 
sities of  life  have  been  provided  for.  Some,  too,  are  indifferent; 
others  decide  against  it  after  consideration.  I  was  much  interested 
in  the  different  positions  taken  by  two  sisters  in  regard  to  the  wis- 
dom of  buying.  One,  with  six  children,  whose  husband  makes 
something  over  $3.00  a  day,  said:  "  I  didn't  try  to  buy,  because  I 
wanted  to  give  my  children  everything  that  was  coming  to  them, 
and  I  wouldn't  stint  them."  So,  as  far  as  she  can,  she  gives  them 
what  the  other  children  in  school  have;  and  I3.00  goes  but  a  little 
way  when  there  are  eight  to  provide  for.  The  other,  wiser  per- 
haps, began  early  to  buy  her  home.  She  has  been  married  only  five 
years,  to  a  man  whose  income  is  about  the  same  as  her  brother-in- 
law's,  and  has  two  little  ones  to  care  for;  but  already  she  has  made 
the  initial  payment  on  the  five-room  house  which  will  cost  them 
about  $3000.  By  sub-letting  two  rooms  for  $8.00  a  month  their 
monthly  payments  take  from  their  wages  only  about  as  much 
as  the  regular  rent.  It  will  be  some  years  before  they  have  the 
indebtedness  paid  off,  but  they  plan  to  be  well  on  their  way 
toward  accomplishing  this  by  the  time  the  children  are  large 
enough  to  need  the  other  rooms. 

Considering  the  number  who  buy  on  this  plan,  there  are  few 
foreclosures.  Since  work  in  Homestead  is  steady,  loss  of  income 
due  to  lack  of  employment  has  not  been  so  serious  a  menace  to 
house  buying  as  in  many  communities.  The  depression  of  1907-8, 
of  course,  produced  unusual  conditions,  but  the  real  estate  com- 
panies recognized  the  importance  of  keeping  the  confidence  of  the 
community  and  bore  the  brunt  of  the  trouble  themselves.  I  was 
told  that  of  the  three  mortgages  foreclosed  in  Homestead  in  1907, 
none  was  on  a  workingman's  home.  If  a  man  has  shown  any  dis- 
position to  honesty, — and  in  Homestead  it  is  possible  to  know 
people  intimately, — the  real  estate  company  will  allow  him,  when 
in  a  hard  place,  to  suspend  all  payments  except  interest  on  the 
mortgage.  Trustworthy  people  are  therefore  fairly  safe  in  starting 
to  buy,  so  far  as  normally  steady  work  and  the  co-operation  of  the 
realty  company  can  give  security. 

The  house-buyer,  nevertheless,  has  his  hazards,  and  they  are 
61 


homestead:    the  household  of  a  mill  town 

very  real  ones.  The  greatest  difficulty  arises  from  periodical  cuts 
in  wages.  In  1908  for  example,  in  mid-winter,  I  was  told  that 
the  rate  of  wages  of  tonnage  men  was  reduced  in  some  cases  i6| 
per  cent.  A  family  which  by  careful  economy  out  of  the  wages 
current  in  the  fall,  could  make  the  extra  expenditure  toward 
buying  a  house,  might  after  such  a  cut  find  itself  in  a  serious 
predicament.  To  keep  on  with  payments  would  mean  cutting 
down  everywhere  margins  that  are  already  small.  As  these 
wage  cuts  can  never  be  foreseen,  they  introduce  so  serious  an 
element  of  uncertainty  that  many  doubt  the  wisdom  of  embarking 
their  entire  capital,  though  small,  in  such  a  venture.  One  family 
had  been  saving  for  some  time;  then  the  man  was  slightly  injured 
in  the  mill,  and  $80  of  savings  went  before  he  was  at  work  again. 
The  family  kept  on  saving,  however,  and  with  $300  in  the  bank 
was  hoping  to  begin  the  purchase  the  following  spring,  when  hard 
times  came  and  the  surplus  was  again  diminished.  The  woman 
fearing  other  catastrophes  now  hesitated  gravely.  When  a 
family  has  put  all  its  savings  into  a  house,  death,  discharge,  or 
displacement  of  the  man  by  a  machine,  may  compel  a  forced  sale; 
a  strike  or  season  of  hard  times,  or  the  removal  of  a  plant  from  a 
given  town,  may  leave  him  in  a  worse  predicament. 

Home  owning,  moreover,  lessens  the  mobility  of  labor,  since 
when  one  is  partly  paid  for  a  man  will  pull  up  stakes  and  seek 
work  elsewhere  only  under  extreme  pressure.  From  the  point  of 
view  of  the  company,  this  is  an  ever  present  advantage.  For  the 
employe  it  is  a  potential  disadvantage,  especially  in  a  town  like 
Homestead  where,  since  the  strike  of  1892,  the  men  have  had  no 
voice  in  the  matter  of  wages  and  no  security  as  to  length  of  em- 
ployment. Hitherto  the  disadvantages  to  the  employe  house- 
owners  have  not  been  extreme  because  with  the  lack  of  sufficient 
houses  in  Homestead  it  has  been  easy  to  realize  upon  them.  In 
the  average  mill  town,  however,  house  ownership  may  prove  an 
encumbrance  to  the  workingman  who  wants  to  sell  his  labor  in 
the  highest  market. 


02 


CHAPTER  V 
TABLE   AND    DINNER    PAIL 

DURING  my  sojournings  in  Homestead,  I  found  it  of  little 
avail  to  stand  knocking  at  front  doors.  It  was  wise  to  go 
straight  to  the  back  door,  which  opened  into  the  warm 
and  cheerful  kitchen.  Here  I  was  sure  to  find  the  housekeeper 
busy  preparing  for  the  ever  recurring  meal,  economically  her  most 
important  task.  Not  only  is  food  the  largest  item  in  the  family 
account,  but  it  is  also  one  which,  by  thrift  and  ability,  housewives 
can  reduce  without  lessening  the  comfort  of  the  family.  The  "  cost 
of  living"  is  a  problem  they  themselves  are  studying  practically, 
and  many  of  them  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  results  of  the  budget 
investigation. 

In  general,  the  account  books  revealed  a  fairly  intelligent 
choice  of  foods,  including  a  large  amount  of  fruit  and  green  vege- 
tables, chosen  apparently  to  meet  the  need  of  men  who  do  very  hot 
work.  The  following  bill  of  fare  for  four  days  is  fairly  typical 
of  the  English-speaking  households.  The  head  of  the  family  in 
this  instance  earned  about  $3.00  a  day. 

Monday 
Breakfast:    Oat-meal  and  milk,  eggs  and  bacon,  bread,  butter, 


jelly,  coffee. 
-:   S01 


Dinner:    Soup,  bread,  fruit. 

Supper:   Meat,  beans,  potatoes,  fruit,  red  beets,  pickles. 

Tuesday 

Breakfast:    Chocolate,  eggs,  bread,  butter,  and  jelly. 

Dinner:    Spinach,  potatoes,  pickles,  warmed  over  meat,  fruit, 

bread,  butter. 
Supper:    Meat,   sweet   potatoes,   carrots,   beans,   tomatoes,   tea, 

bread,  butter  and  fruit. 

63 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Wednesday 

Breakfast :  Eggs,  corncakes,  potatoes,  coffee,  rhubarb,  bread,  butter. 
Dinner:  Soup,  bread,  butter. 

Supper:   Lamb  stew  with  dumplings,  cucumber,  eggplant,  beans, 
corn,  coffee,  bread  and  butter,  fruit. 

Thursday 

Breakfast:   Eggs,  fruit,  eggplant,  coffee,  cakes. 
Dinner:  Soup,  bread  and  butter,  cakes,  fruit. 
Supper:  Fish,  potatoes,  tomatoes,  cucumbers,  pie,  tea. 

When  the  man  does  not  come  home  for  the  noon  meal,  as 
in  this  instance,  it  is  usually  a  light  one  for  the  rest  of  the  household. 
In  another  family  where  they  had  eggs  for  breakfast  and  meat  for 
supper,  the  children  were  fed  at  mid-day  on  mush  and  milk  with 
bread  and  molasses. 

In  mill-town  economics,  the  dinner  pail  must  be  reckoned 
with  as  part  of  the  table,  and  a  bill  of  fare  must  be  read 
with  that  in  mind.  I  was  struck  with  the  pains  often  taken 
with  the  "mister's"  bucket.  The  women  used  to  carry  hot 
lunches  to  the  mill,  but  they  are  not  now  allowed  inside  without 
a  pass.  Most  of  the  men,  as  they  are  not  given  regular  time  for 
eating,  snatch  a  bite  between  tasks,  though  some,  whose  work 
permits,  stop  for  a  leisurely  meal.  I  even  heard  of  men  who 
took  steaks  to  cook  on  the  hot  plates  about  the  machines.  But 
they  usually  rely  on  the  cold  meal,  and  the  women  take  great 
pains  to  make  it  appetizing,  especially  by  adding  preserves  in  a 
little  cup  in  a  corner  of  the  bucket.  They  try  to  give  the  man 
what  he  likes  the  most,  apparently  half  from  pity  at  the  cold  food 
and  hard  work  that  fall  to  his  lot. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  women  do  not  seem  to  realize  that 
special  care  is  needed  in  feeding  the  children,  and  generally  give 
them  much  the  same  that  their  elders  have.  The  mothers  rarely 
attempt  to  check  the  natural  tendency  of  childhood  to  be  always 
running  in  for  a  bite  between  meals.  The  children  suffer,  too, 
from  the  fact  that  the  time  for  meals  is  irregular  because  of  the 
weekly  change  in  the  man's  hours.  One  woman  told  me  that  the 
men  get  a  bad  habit  of  eating  at  odd  times  in  the  mill,  and  with 
this  and  meal  hours  changing  every  week,  expect  to  eat  whenever 

64 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

they  feel  like  it.     The  household  naturally  picks  up  the  habit  with 
disastrous  results  both  to  digestion  and  housekeeping. 

Sunday  dinner  is  the  one  meal  that  serves  as  a  time  of  fes- 
tivity. Almost  every  account  showed  that  on  Saturday  an  extra 
piece  of  meat,  usually  a  roast,  was  bought.  The  men  have 
some  leisure  on  Sunday  and  sit  down  with  pleasure  to  a  more 
elaborate  dinner.  Sometimes  the  married  sons  and  daughters 
come  home  for  that  meal,  and  altogether  it  plays  a  definite  part 
in  the  week's  pleasure.  Unfortunately,  however,  as  the  men 
usually  work  either  Saturday  night  or  Sunday  night,  they  rarely 
have  the  whole  of  Sunday  to  themselves,  with  that  sense  of  free- 
dom and  let-up  which  means  so  much  at  the  end  of  the  week. 

Occasionally,  especially  on  holidays,  there  are  family  re- 
unions. On  Thanksgiving,  when  the  mills  run  as  usual,  few  prep- 
arations are  made  for  the  hurried  dinner.  Christmas,  however, 
is  a  great  day  in  Homestead.  Twice  a  year,  on  that  day  and  on 
July  Fourth,  the  great  mill  stops.  Everyone  who  can  goes  home, 
some  to  families  in  Homestead,  others  to  neighboring  towns,  and 
there  are  Christmas  trees  in  many  homes.  Some  of  the  women 
who  kept  budget  accounts  took  care  to  explain  that  their  unusual 
expenses  in  December,  both  for  food  and  extras,  were  for  Christ- 
mas festivities. 

Formal  guests  are-  infrequent.  Where  the  housewife  is  also 
cook,  there  are  difficulties  in  the  way  of  hospitality,  which  are 
accentuated  by  the  irregular  meals  and  the  hours  of  work.  People 
who  live  simply  and  eat  informally  rarely  utilize  the  meal  time 
for  guests  as  do  more  conventional  households.  But  though 
rarely  a  time  of  festivity,  the  meal  hour  is  always  present  in  the 
housewife's  mind.  When  asked  for  an  account  of  what  they 
spent  on  food  the  women  usually  responded  cheerfully,  "We 
spend  all  we  can  get."  They  realized,  nevertheless,  that  econ- 
omies are  possible  and  necessary  if  bills  are  to  be  met  on 
pay  day.  For  in  spite  of  the  reputed  high  wages  among  steel 
workers,  the  problem  Homestead  housewives  face  in  trying  to 
provide  food  and  a  good  home  on  the  man's  earnings  is  no  easy 
one.  As  we  shall  see  from  these  budgets,  excellent  management  is 
required  to  secure  a  really  adequate  food  supply  with  the  amount 
that  can  be  set  aside  for  this  purpose. 
5  65 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Food  stuffs  are  high  in  this  region.  At  a  hearing  before 
the  Pittsburgh  Chamber  of  Commerce  in  1906,  this  fact  was 
partially  ascribed  to  geographical  situation  and  local  conditions. 
Since  the  river  valleys  are  given  over  to  the  production  of  steel 
rather  than  of  vegetables,  fresh  foods  must  be  brought  from 
a  distance.  This,  of  course,  means  added  cost,  because  of 
freight  charges.  Some  dealers  claimed,  also,  that  railroad  terminal 
facilities  were  totally  inadequate,  and  that  fruit  and  vegetables 
spoiled  while  waiting  to  be  unloaded.  Moreover,  as  other  local 
dealers  stated,  the  ease  with  which  money  has  been  made  in 
Pittsburgh  has  invited  high  prices. 

While  comparative  statistics  as  to  food  prices  are  usually 
open  to  question,  those  secured  by  the  United  States  Bureau  of 
Labor  may  be  considered  fairly  dependable,  since  the  same  meth- 
ods were  used  in  securing  the  data  in  different  localities.  Ac- 
cording to  the  figures  in  the  Bulletin  for  1907,  the  ordinary 
staple  articles  were  more  expensive  in  Pittsburgh  than  in  any 
other  city  of  similar  size  in  the  country.  Pittsburgh  slightly 
outranked  even  New  York,  not  because  its  prices  were  in  many 
cases  the  very  highest,  though  among  the  selected  articles  that 
was  true  of  lard,  molasses,  and  rice,  but  because  this  Pennsyl- 
vania city  ranked  second  in  the  prices  paid  for  the  great  bulk 
of  the  commodities  of  ordinary  consumption, — beans,  chuck  roast, 
salt  beef,  butter,  mutton,  fresh  pork  and  bacon, — all  of  them 
articles  entering  largely  into  the  workingman's  bill  of  fare.* 

All  Allegheny  County  is  closely  connected  with  Pittsburgh 
by  suburban  trolley  lines,  and  prices  in  the  smaller  markets 
throughout  the  district  are  to  a  great  extent  uniform.  Such 
comparative  data  as  I  gathered,  fortified  by  the  experience  of 
the  housekeepers  I  knew,  indicated  that  Homestead  prices  were 
practically  on  the  same  level  with  those  of  Pittsburgh. 

Given  then  a  fairly  high  cost  of  living,  what  proportion  of 
the  household  income  goes  for  food  ?  The  answer  to  this  first 
question  to  be  drawn  from  the  budget  material  was  of  necessity 

*  Bulletin  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor,  July,  1907,  pp.  175-328.  See  Appendix  I, 
Table  9,  p.  203;  also  Appendix  IX,  p,  241.  Pittsburgh's  excess  in  the  prices  of 
food  stuffs  is,  however,  not  so  great  as  to  render  the  figures  as  to  cost  of  living 
in  Homestead  inapplicable  to  workingmen's  budgets  in  many  other  American 
industrial  districts. 

66 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    FAIL 

affected  by  half-time  work  in  the  case  of  many  families.  Yet  with 
this  reservation  in  mind,  the  figures  which  show  the  comparative 
expenditures  of  the  different  racial  and  economic  groups  are 
interesting;  moreover,  the  expenditures  of  representative  families 
during  weeks  when  they  were  working  as  usual,  together  with 
those  of  families  who  experienced  no  slack  time,  lead  me  to  think 
that  they  reflect  with  fair  accuracy  the  normal  proportions  in 
Homestead. 

The  expenditure  for  food,  though  varying  widely  both  in 
actual  amount  and  in  its  relation  to  the  total  expenditure,  is  al- 
ways the  largest  single  item.  Among  the  native  whites  it  con- 
stituted 36.3  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  among  the  Slavs  45.7, 
this  variation,  as  in  the  case  of  rent,  being  the  result  of  differences 
in  income  as  well  as  of  differences  in  racial  standards.  The 
percentage  for  food  steadily  grows  smaller,  as  the  total  of  all 
expenditures  which  a  family  is  in  position  to  make  grows  larger. 
Food  constituted  45.3  per  cent  of  the  total  among  those  who  spent 
less  than  $12  per  week  and  only  36.7  per  cent  among  families 
spending  $20  or  over  per  week.  The  percentage  in  the  two  inter- 
mediate groups,  considered  jointly  (that  is,  from  $12  to  $19.99) 
was  42  (Table  17).  These  percentages  for  food  expenditure  are 
about  the  same  as  those  secured  in  other  investigations  of  costs 
of  living.  Mr.  Chapin  gives  the  percentage  in  families  with 
incomes  ranging  from  $600  to  $1000  (that  is,  from  $12  to  $20  per 
week)  as  varying  between  44.3  and  45.6  per  cent.*  According  to 
an  investigation  made  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Labor,  5920 
families  with  incomes  from  $600  to  $1,000  spent  from  39.9  to 
43.48  per  cent.f 

It  is  only  proportionately,  of  course,  as  shown  in  percentages, 
that  food  expenditures  grow  smaller  as  families  have  more  to  spend. 
Actually,  families  with  budgets  over  $20  per  week  spent  twice 
as  much  money  for  food  as  families  with  budgets  under  $12, — 
$9.38  per  week  as  against  $4.16.  The  most  meagre  family  ex- 
penditure of  all  was  among  the  colored  day  laborers  earning  under 

♦Chapin,  Robert  Coit:  The  Standard  of  Living  among  Workingmen's 
Families  in  New  York  City,  p.  70.  New  York,  Charities  Publication  Committee, 
1909.     Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publication. 

f  United  States  Commissioner  of  Labor,  18th  Annual  Report,  1903,  p.  101 
67 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

table  l6. — average  weekly  expenditure  for  food  of  90 
budget  families  and  per  cent  of  total  expenditure. 
— by  racial  group 


Racial  Group 

Number  of 
Families 

Average  Weekly 
Expenditures 
All  Purposes 

Average  Weekly  Expendi- 
ture for  Food 

Amount 

Per  cent 

Slav.  .        .        . 
Eng.  Sp.  Eur.  . 
Nat.  White       . 
Colored 

29 
>3 
25 
23 

$13.09 
16.97 
20.47 
12.39 

$5.98 
7-55 
7-44 
4.84 

44-5 
36.3 
39.1 

TABLE  17. — SAME  AS  TABLE  1 6. — BY  EXPENDITURE  GROUP 


Expenditure 

Number  of 
Families 

Average  Weekly 
Expenditure 
All  Purposes 

Average  Weekly  Expendi- 
ture for  Food 

Group 

Amount 

Per  cent 

Under  $12.00    . 
$12.00-$  1 4.99  . 
$i5.oo-$i9.99  . 
$20.00  and  over 

?6 

23 
19 

$  9.17 
13.32 
17.59 
25.56 

$416 
5.86 
7.11 
9.38 

45-3 
44.0 
40.4 
36.7 

TABLE   l8. — AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURE  FOR  FOOD  OF  90 
BUDGET  FAMILIES. — BY  RACIAL  AND  EXPENDITURE  GROUP 


Under 

$12.00  TO       $15.00  TO    |       $20.00 

All 

$12.00 

$14.99 

$19.99            AND  OVER 

Families 

Racial  Group 

>     i        * 

"o"  ^ 

rof 
ies 

ge 
ture 

rof 

ies 



ge 
lure 

-a  -a 

1* 

1 

"1  * 

1* 

tq 

►0  a 

5  s 

1* 

2"S 

-S  "a 
s  g 

1* 

Avera 
Expend 

*  a 

is. 

11 

Slavs 

14    $448 

9 

$5.99 

7 

$8.47 

3 

$7.12 

29 

$S-98 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.  . 

3 

5.93* 

4 

6.39* 

a 

3 

12.45* 

13 

7-55 

Nat.  White 

4 

4.29 

1 

5.92 

8 

12 

9.26 

25 

7-44 

Colored     . 

11 

3.22 

6 

5.40 

5 

7.00 

1 

8.45       23 

4.84 

Number  of  families 

32 

16 

23 

19 

..     1  90 

Ave.  expenditure 

$4.16 

$5.86 

$7.11 

$9.38     .. 

$6.32 

♦The  families  in  the  English-speaking  European  group  were  much  larger 
than  in  the  other  groups,  averaging  7.1  persons  per  family  as  against  5.2  in  the 
Slavs,  4.8  in  the  native  white  and  3.8  in  the  colored  families.  This  influenced 
their  total  food  expenditure  in  the  lower  income  groups. 

68 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

1 1 2,  who  averaged  $3.22  per  week.  The  amplest  was  among 
English-speaking  Europeans  who  were  earning  the  wages  of  skilled 
men  and  who  in  dollars  and  cents  spent  four  times  as  much  for 
food  as  the  former  (Table  18).  The  food  expenditure  of  Slavs 
ranged  from  $4.48  a  week  for  the  families  under  $12  to  as  high  as 
$7.00  and  $8.00  a  week;  the  native  whites  from  $4.29  to  over 
$9.00.* 

But  all  such  statements  as  to  average  food  expenditures  for 
entire  households  are  inaccurate  in  so  far  as  families  differ  in  size. 
Professor  Atwaterf  overcomes  this  difficulty  by  reducing  household 
expenditures  to  a  per  capita  basis.  In  line  with  his  calculations 
as  to  the  comparative  amount  of  food  needed,  we  have  assumed 
that  the  average  woman  eats  .8  as  much  as  a  man,  children  over 
fourteen  the  same,  and  children  under  fourteen,  .5  as  much. 


TABLE  19. — AVERAGE  EXPENDITURE  FOR  FOOD  PER  MAN  PER  DAY 
OF  90  BUDGET  FAMILIES. — BY  RACIAL  AND  EXPENDITURE 
GROUP 


Under 

$12.00 

$12.00- 
$14-99 

$15.00- 

$19.99 

$20.00  AND 
OVER 

All 
Families 

Racial  Group 

trg 
3* 

2^ 
S  § 

>•  -a. 
fcq 

11 

3* 

8 

1"? 

?! 

s  § 

1^ 

2-3 

v.  •  <° 
1^ 

2"5 
*  s 

r54 

^  s 

Slav 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur. 
Nat.  White    . 
Colored  .... 

14 
3 
4 
1 1 

$  .25 
•  '9 
.21 
.30 

5 
4 

6 

$  .29 
•  19 
.19 
.24 

7 
3 

8 

5 

$.36 
•25 
.28 
•34 

3 
3 

12 

1 

$     -3' 

•35 
.36 

29 

'3 

25 
23 

$.29 
•24 
•32 
.30 

Total  Families 
Average  expenditure  . 

32 

$  '.26 

16 

$  .24 

23 

$:3. 

19 

$  -37 

90 

$.29 

The  per  capita  food  expenditure  among  our  90  budget 
families  is  shown   in  Table  19  for  both  racial  and  expenditure 

*The  naive  report  of  the  Committee  on  Trade  and  Commerce  to  the  Pitts- 
burgh Chamber  of  Commerce  November  18,  1909,  estimates  that  a  liberal  provision 
of  food  for  a  family  of  five  would  in  Pittsburgh  cost  $1 1 .88  a  week.  See  Appendix 
IX,  p.  238. 

f  Bulletin  21,  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture. 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

groups.  Here,  as  in  the  case  of  other  tables  in  which  the  90  families 
have  been  cross-classified  into  racial  and  economic  groups,  the 
subgroups  are  obviously  too  small  to  do  more  than  suggest  general 
tendencies,  which  commended  themselves  to  me  as  noteworthy  in 
view  of  many  conversations  with  housewives. 

While  the  expenditure  for  food  per  man  per  day  in  each 
racial  group  usually  increases  as  expenditures  increase,  we  may 
note  distinctions  among  them.  The  native  whites  and  English- 
speaking  Europeans  spend  in  the  three  lower  expenditure  groups 
decidedly  less  than  either  Slavs  or  colored.  A  reference  to  Chapter 
IV  will  show  that  with  rent  this  proportion  is  reversed,  the  native 
whites  and  English-speaking  Europeans  spending  larger  amounts 
for  rent  in  these  lower  economic  groups.  That  is,  their  families 
seem  to  have  a  higher  standard  of  housing,  which  they  maintain 
when  the  income  is  low  by  making  sacrifices  in  other  lines.  With 
them,  the  desire  for  a  good  home  may  outweigh  that  for  more  varied 
and  palatable  food.  The  Slavs,  on  the  other  hand,  who  put  up 
with  poor  housing,  will  not  skimp  to  a  great  extent  on  food.* 

My  inquiry  was  concerned,  however,  less  with  relative  ex- 
penditures for  food  than  with  the  question  of  how  well  people 
could  live  on  the  amounts  actually  spent.  The  depression  did  not 
enter  in  here  as  a  disturbing  factor,  as  prices  in  Homestead 
were  unaffected  by  the  hard  times.  Accurate  figures  on  this  point 
were  difficult  to  secure,  but  undoubtedly  any  change  would  have 
been  immediately  noted  by  the  housewives.  Many  of  them  ex- 
pressed their  belief  that  prices  kept  about  as  usual. 

In  a  study  of  a  number  of  household  budgets  in  New  York 
City  in  1907,  Professor  Underhill  of  Yale  estimated  that  22  cents 
per  day  per  man  was  in  general  the  minimum  for  which  an  ade- 
quate supply  of  food  could  be  procured. f  This  figure  was  based 
on  a  study  of  the  nourishing  quality  of  food  measured  in  calories 

*  See  Appendix  I, Table  10,  p,  204.  My  Slavic  families,  moreover,  were  for  the 
most  part  smaller  in  size.  They  could  spend  as  much  as  25  cents  per  day  per  man, 
even  in  the  lowest  expenditure  group,  without  making  the  average  outlay  for  food 
per  family  noticeably  large. 

f  "Comparisons  between  the  amounts  spent  for  food  by  well  nourished  and 
poorly  nourished  families  indicate  that  in  general  when  less  than  22  cents  per  man 
per  day  is  spent  for  food,  the  nourishment  derived  is  insufficient."  Report  on 
Nutrition  Investigation,  Frank  P.  Underhill,  Ph.  D.(  in  Chapin,  The  Standard 
of  Living  among  Workingmen's  Families  in  New  York  City,  p.  319. 

70 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

and  proteids;  the  former  representing  the  heat-producing  fats 
and  sugars,  and  the  latter  the  tissue  builders — meat,  bread,  beans, 
etc.  Careful  experiments  have  been  made  to  determine  both  the 
amount  of  each  of  these  elements  which  given  foods  contain,  and 
also  the  amount  necessary  to  keep  a  man  in  a  condition  of  physical 
efficiency.  Having  before  him  the  actual  costs  to  the  housekeeper 
and  the  nourishing  value  of  the  articles  eaten  by  certain  house- 
holds, Professor  Underhill  was  able  to  estimate  for  what  sum  the 
ordinary  purchaser  could  secure  a  sufficient  amount  of  food  to 
maintain  a  male  adult  in  physical  well-being. 

By  the  use  of  Professor  Atwater's  ratios  as  to  the  relative 
amount  of  nutrition  needed  by  men,  women  and  children,  such  a 
standard  per  man  per  day  affords  a  test  of  how  well  the  food 
purchased  by  a  family  meets  its  physical  needs. 

As  we  have  seen  that  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Labor  Report 
for  1907  rates  food  prices  very  nearly  the  same  in  New  York  and 
in  the  Pittsburgh  district,*  and  as  there  were  no  indications  of  re- 
ductions in  the  local  markets  during  the  weeks  of  my  inquiry,  we 
may  accept  Professor  Underhill's  standard  of  22  cents  a  day  as 
fairly  applicable  to  our  Homestead  budgets  of  the  same  year. 

Recurring  then,  with  this  standard  in  mind,  to  a  closer 
scrutiny  of  actual  expenditures  for  food  among  English-speaking 
Europeans  and  native  whites,  we  find  (Table  19)  that  the  average 
cost  of  the  former  was  24  cents  per  day  per  grown  man,  and  that 
of  the  latter  32  cents.  As  was  to  have  been  anticipated,  families 
with  few  children  and  comparatively  large  incomes  spent  gener- 
ously for  food  (from  28  to  39  cents  per  man  in  the  higher  expendi- 
ture groups).  But  the  average  for  all  English-speaking  Europeans 
(24  cents)  barely  exceeds  the  amount  necessary  to  supply  sufficient 
nourishment  even  with  wisdom  in  the  choice  of  food.  The  average 
in  both  racial  groups  for  those  spending  less  than  $15  per  week  fell 
below  that  amount. 


*  To  apply  proportions  rigidly,  the  Pittsburgh  district  minimum  would  be 
22.9  cents.  No  attempt  was  made  by  the  writer  to  carry  on  independent  experi- 
ments in  food  values  as  to  Homestead  dietaries.  An  analysis  was  made  of  the  food 
expenditure  of  an  exceptionally  thrifty  housekeeper,  however.  So  far  as  esti- 
mates for  proteids  and  calories  can  be  drawn  from  account  books,  without  weigh- 
ing the  actual  food  stuffs  used,  this  indicated  that  even  with  careful  purchasing, 
less  than  22  cents  would  not  provide  the  standard  of  nourishment  in  Homestead. 

7' 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Altogether,  in  21  out  of  the  90  budget  families  (Table  20) 
less  than  22  cents  per  man  per  day  was  being  spent  for  food.  Low 
wages,  hard  times,  and  large  families,  all  were  factors  in  depressing 
their  consumption  below  this  minimum.  Of  these  families,  14 
expended  less  than  $12  a  week  for  all  purposes,  seven  a  total  of 
more  than  that. 


TABLE  20. — TWENTY-ONE  FAMILIES  SPENDING  LESS  THAN  22  CENTS 
PER  MAN  PER  DAY  FOR  FOOD. — BY  EXPENDITURE  AND  RACIAL 
GROUPS 


Expenditure  Group 

Slavs 

English- 
speaking 
Europeans 

Native 
White 

Colored 

Total 

Under  $12.00 

$I2.00-$I4.QQ 

i15.00-liQ.QQ      . 
i2o.oo  and  over  . 

5 

2 
2 

2 

2 

5 

1 

'4 
4 
3 

Total     . 

5 

5 

5 

6 

21 

In  the  case  of  the  seven  families  whose  expenditures  ranged 
above  $12  per  week  but  whose  per  capita  outlay  fell  below  the 
minimum  of  sustenance,  size  was  an  important  factor.  English 
or  American  families  with  nine  children  (one  instance),  seven 
children  (two  instances),  or  six  (three  instances)  obviously  found 
it  necessary  to  economize  closely  on  food  if  the  other  stand- 
ards of  American  life  were  to  be  maintained.  It  may  be 
worth  while  to  note  here  that  I  found  with  all  budget  fam- 
ilies* expenditure  for  food  per  person  decreasing  steadily  with 
the  increase  in  the  size  of  the  family.  This  was  true  in  each  ex- 
penditure group.  For  example,  among  families  whose  total  ex- 
penditures were  less  than  $12  per  week,  those  with  two  to  four 
in  the  family  spent  an  average  of  24  cents  per  man  per  day  for 
food  while  those  with  five  or  more  in  the  family  averaged  but  19 
cents.  In  the  $12  to  $14.99  grouP>  tne  Per  capita  sum  fell  from 
an  average  of  29  to  23  cents;  in  the  $15  to  $19.99  group,  from  41 
to  24j;ents;   and  in  the  group  spending  $20  or  over,  from  48  to 

*  Appendix  I,  Table  1 1,  p.  204. 
72 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

32  cents.  This  general  decrease  is  in  part  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  housewife  can  buy  more  economically  for  a  large  family,  and 
also  that  when  the  family  is  small  and  the  sense  of  economic 
pressure  less  heavy  she  indulges  in  more  costly  articles.  With 
respect  to  the  lower  expenditure  groups,  the  controlling  factor  no 
doubt  is  that  with  only  a  certain  fairly  definite  share  of  the  earnings 
available  for  food,  that  food  must  be  divided  among  a  certain 
number  of  mouths. 

This  will  be  clearer  if  we  look  at  the  case  of  14  families  whose 
expenditures  were  below  $12  a  week  and  who  spent  less  than  the 
minimum  standard.  On  the  basis  of  22  cents  a  day  per  man,  a 
normal  family*  must  spend  $5.08  per  week  on  food  alone,  or  50 
per  cent  of  the  earnings  of  a  day  laborer  working  the  ordinary 
ten-hour  day  of  the  yard  laborers  in  the  mill.  This  is  in  excess  of 
the  percentage  which  any  group  studied  allowed  for  food.  Unless 
such  a  man  works  overtime  or  Sunday,  or  the  family  supplements  the 
man's  earnings  by  lodgers,  lives  in  a  court,  or  has  few  or  no  children 
(with  the  Slavs  one  or  all  of  these  factors  are  often  present)  ,f  this 
allowance  for  food  must  be  cut  down  if  the  other  items  of 
expenditure  are  to  be  met.  Among  these  14  families,  there 
were  some  whose  income  was  always  at  this  low  margin,  as 
well  as  some  whose  weekly  expenditures  had  been  depressed  by 
temporary  lack  of  work.  The  necessity  to  cut  down  on  food  is  the 
same  in  one  case  as  in  the  other  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  omitting 
the  Slavs,  half  of  all  budget  families  whose  expenditures  were 
below  $12  a  week,  spent  less  than  the  sustenance  standard  for  food. 
Where  the  family  is  above  the  normal  in  size,  this  pressure  is 
accentuated. 

It  is  conceivable  that  a  desire  to  save  might  lead  a  family  to 
be  niggardly  in  its  food  expenditures;  though  the  Slavs,  among 
whom  we  would  first  look  for  such  practices,  due  to  their  keen 
desire  to  lay  by  money,  averaged  25  cents  per  man  per  day  in  the 
under  $12  group.  A  more  extensive  study  would  no  doubt  have 
elicited  cases  where  drunkenness,  shiftlessness,  sickness  or  other 

♦Man,  wife,  three  children  under  14.  See  U.S.  Bureau  of  Labor,  18th 
Annual  Report,  p.  20. 

f  Two  other  alternatives  are  for  women  or  young  children  to  go  out  to  work — 
alternatives  not  present  to  any  extent  in  Homestead. 

73 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

immediate  causes  of  small  or  squandered  earnings  reduced  a 
family's  food  expenditures  below  this  standard.  A  consideration 
of  these  tables,  however,  has  shown  us  unmistakably  how  near  to 
the  line  of  under-nourishment  must  be  the  families  of  large  size 
or  low  incomes.  More  important  than  that  21  families  fell  below 
22  cents  for  food,  is  the  fact  that,  including  the  Slavs,  the  average 
expenditure  for  food  of  all  our  budget  families  spending  from  $12 
to  $14.99  Per  week  was  but  24  cents  per  man  a  day.  That  gives  a 
margin  of  but  two  cents  a  day  which  can  only  too  quickly  be  lost 
through  a  housewife's  failure  to  get  the  most  for  her  money  at 
market,  to  select  nourishing  food,  or  to  secure  the  nutrient  values 
out  of  what  she  puts  on  the  stove.  In  view  of  the  occurrence  of 
the  hard  times,  these  figures  should  not  be  taken  as  an  accurate 
expression  of  customary  food  expenditures  in  Homestead  in  pros- 
perous years.  They  do  show  what  Homestead  housewives  felt  it 
necessary  to  spend  for  food  when  they  were  economizing. 

We  must  remember,  also,  that  many  unskilled  housekeepers 
cannot  provide  enough  nourishment  on  a  minimum  outlay  requir- 
ing wisdom  in  the  choice  of  food.  The  sufficiency  of  food  pur- 
chased cannot  be  measured  altogether  by  the  amount  spent. 
Perhaps  in  this  expenditure  more  than  in  any  other  there  is  a 
chance  for  women  to  display  their  skill,  an  asset  which  must  be 
included  in  the  family  resources.  Two  households,  undoubtedly 
extreme  types,  will  serve  to  illustrate  this  point. 

The  first  was  a  Scotch  family  of  seven  who  had  been  in  this 
country  for  about  fifteen  years.  Besides  the  three  younger  chil- 
dren in  school  there  were  two  sons  at  work,  whose  wages  brought 
the  family  income  up  to  $32  a  week.  The  six-room  house  was 
none  too  large  to  make  them  all  comfortable  and  enable  them  to 
have  a  pleasant  sitting  room.  As  I  stepped  into  the  kitchen  one 
frosty  morning,  I  was  greeted  by  the  odor  of  preserves  which  the 
wife  was  making  ready  to  vary  the  monotony  of  dinners  to  be 
eaten  from  a  "bucket."  We  fell  to  discussing  methods  of  economy 
and  she  told  me  many  of  her  thrifty  ways;  about  the  pig  they 
would  buy  as  soon  as  cold  weather  came,  to  provide  salt  pork  and 
ham  for  the  winter;  the  pickles  and  preserves  she  was  putting  up; 
the  $50  she  was  saving  to  buy  the  winter's  supply  of  dry  groceries 
from  the  wholesaler's.     That  this  thrift  did  not  amount  to  par- 

74 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

simony  was  shown  by  the  good  gas  range  and  washing  machine  in 
view,  and  by  evidences  of  ample  provision  of  food.  By  planning 
ahead,  by  extra  labor,  by  wise  buying,  even  luxuries  were  secured 
on  a  food  expenditure  of  only  24  cents  per  person  a  day. 

The  other  extreme  was  shown  in  the  home  of  a  poor,  unin- 
telligent woman  who  had  gone  to  work  at  the  age  of  eleven,  and 
could  neither  read  nor  write.  As  enough  to  pay  the  rent  was  the 
only  contribution  to  the  family  purse  made  by  her  husband,  a 
ne'er-do-well,  she  herself  was  obliged,  by  washing  and  by  taking 
a  lodger,  to  provide  money  for  food  and  clothes.  This  money, 
which  averaged  $4.50  a  week,  was  very  irregular,  as  the  lodger  was 
frequently  out  of  work.  With  a  wayward  boy  in  school  and  a 
sickly  baby  at  home,  she  had  but  little  time  and  thought  to  give 
to  housekeeping.  Food  was  bought  daily  by  the  five  and  ten 
cents'  worth, — pork  chops,  cheap  preserves  at  ten  cents  a  jar, 
two  quarts  of  potatoes,  a  loaf  of  bread,  etc. — a  pitiable  record 
viewed  either  from  the  standpoint  of  the  children's  health  or  of 
the  pocket-book.  The  least  nutritious  food  was  bought  in  the 
most  expensive  way,  because  of  ignorance  and  of  a  small  and 
uncertain  income.  The  items  of  her  expenditures  (at  25  cents 
per  day)  were  deficient  in  the  elements  which  provide  heat  and 
energy  to  the  body,  and  lacking  in  the  foods  which  replace  worn- 
out  cells.  The  sample  week's  account  from  each  of  these  budgets 
on  page  76  shows  the  contrast  in  their  methods  of  buying. 

Usually  the  housekeeper  buys  a  large  order  of  supplies  on 
Saturday  and  supplements  it  during  the  week  with  additional 
purchases  of  meat,  vegetables  and  other  foods.  Among  Home- 
stead women  no  subject  provokes  discussion  more  readily  than  econ- 
omy in  buying.  Some  claim  that  the  chief  evil  of  Homestead 
life  is  an  extravagance  fostered  by  the  ease  with  which  families  buy 
on  credit.  As  the  accounts  run  for  two  weeks  and  are  settled  on 
"  pay  Friday,"  the  family  never  catches  up.  A  number  of  women 
expressed  their  conviction  that  when  prices  of  articles  like  butter 
and  eggs  are  not  constant,  the  grocers  are  inclined  to  overcharge 
a  little  for  goods  on  credit.  Moreover,  it  is  much  easier  to  be 
extravagant  when  no  cash  is  paid  out  and  the  price  is  simply 
jotted  down  in  the  "book."  A  woman  who  tried  this  method 
once,  found  it  so  expensive  that  at  the  end* of  two  weeks  she 
threw  the  book  into  the  stove  and  would  never  use  one  again. 

75 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 


TABLE    21.— 

-ITEMIZED 

ACCC 

UNT 

OF    FOOD 

EXPENDITURES 

FOR 

ONE     WEEK      BY     A 

THRIFTY 

HOUSEKEEPER 

Saturday 
Milk       . 
49  lbs.  flour 
Bananas 
Grapes   . 

.08 
'75 
•<5 
•25 

Cabbage 


Monday 
Milk       . 
2%  lbs.  beef 
Steak     . 
Pie.       . 


Tuesday 

Milk  . 
Tea  . 

Cheese  . 
2  doz.  eggs 

Coffee  . 

Candy  . 

Grapes  . 


.08 
.60 

.60 

•25 
.10 


Wednesday 
Milk       . 


.08 


Friday 

16  lbs.  ham 
Spices    . 
Vanilla  . 
Milk       . 


.$2.00 
.  .10 
.  .10 
.     .08 


.%  .05 


TABLE    22. — ITEMIZED   ACCOUNT 
OF    FOOD    EXPENDITURES    FOR 
ONE  WEEK  BY  A  POOR  HOUSE- 
KEEPER 
Saturday 

Bread     .... 
Jelly      .... 

Coal 10 

Pork  (3  lbs.) 50 

£  pk.  potatoes 15 

Cabbage 12 

2  lbs.  sugar 11 

£  lb.  prunes 05 

Can  corn 10 

2  loaves  bread 10 

\  doz.  eggs 14 

Cooking  apples 10 

\  lb.  butter 18 

1  lb.  cheese 20 


Monday 
.08  Lima  beans 


Tuesday 

2  lbs.  boiling  beef        .       .       .     .25 

Can  peas 10 

Can  syrup 10 

\  doz.  fig  cakes 06 

Baking  powder 05 

\  pk.  potatoes 15 

Bread 05 

Pork  chops 15 

Wednesday 

Boiling  Beef 15 

Barley 05 

i  doz.  pickles 05 

Bread 05 

Thursday 

Can  molasses 10 

i  doz.  rolls 10 

.10 

.1 1 

.10 


76 


Pudding 

2  lbs.  sugar 

Turnips 

Tea  \  lb. 

\  doz.  doughnuts 

Friday 
Pie . 
Sausage 
Can  corn 
Bread     . 
Jelly      .      . 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

Women  expressed  varied  opinions  upon  the  economy  of 
buying  in  Pittsburgh.  There  were  those  who  believed  that  even 
when  prices  were  slightly  lower  in  the  city,  the  saving  was  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  the  time  and  carfare  expended  in  the  trip. 
Some  housekeepers  also  claimed  that  low  priced  goods  purchased 
from  wholesale  houses  in  town  were  of  so  poor  a  quality  that  it 
was  not  economy  to  buy  them.  Then,  too,  the  women  felt  that 
loyalty  to  Homestead  demanded  that  they  purchase  in  their  own 
town  as  far  as  possible.  So,  though  on  Saturday  afternoon  the 
cars  are  filled  with  women  carrying  baskets  home  from  Pittsburgh 
markets,  the  larger  part  of  the  purchases  are  made  in  Homestead. 
Hucksters,  who  come  out  each  morning  with  goods  from  the  Pitts- 
burgh commission  houses,  sell  fruit  and  vegetables.  Though  some 
of  these  men  undoubtedly  give  poor  quality  and  short  measure, 
the  older  housekeepers  usually  find  a  trustworthy  one  and  become 
regular  patrons. 

Many  women  show  a  genuine  pride  in  their  skill  in  buy- 
ing and  in  utilizing  different  cuts  of  meat.  One  woman  as- 
sured me  that  it  was  no  economy  for  her  to  buy  pieces  which 
contained  bones,  gristle  and  fat,  since  her  family  would  not  eat 
them.  If  instead  of  buying  such  cuts  at  10  cents  a  pound  she  paid 
15  for  solid  meat,  her  money  really  went  further.  I  shall  not 
soon  forget  the  enthusiasm  with  which  one  young  wife  described 
a  special  potato  meat  pie,  her  husband's  favorite  dish,  which 
she  made  from  the  ends  of  steak  too  tough  to  use  in  any  other 
way.  These  women  are  anxious  not  only  to  practice  economies, 
but  to  conceal  them  by  good  choosing  and  skilful  cooking. 

When  sickness  or  lack  of  work  reduces  wages  temporarily, 
the  amount  available  for  food  is  lessened.  During  the  depression 
I  was  surprised  to  see  how  quickly  certain  housewives  rose  to  the 
emergency  in  their  determination  that  the  family  should  feel 
this  change  as  little  as  possible.  Sometimes  this  meant  a  serious 
cutting  down  of  the  amount  essential  to  physical  well-being;  at 
other  times  economies  were  accomplished  by  foregoing  luxuries 
and  by  the  purchase  of  simpler  but  more  nutritious  food.  Here  is 
an  interesting  budget,  the  two  accounts  having  been  kept  by  the 
same  woman,  one  in  December,  when  the  man  was  working  stead- 
ily;   the  other  later  in  the  winter  when,  having  lost  his  regular 

77 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

employment,  he  took  laborers'  work  at  little  more  than  half  his 
former  pay.  While  the  cost  in  the  second  account  dropped 
noticeably,  a  rough  calculation  indicates  that  the  nutrient  value 
remained  almost  the  same.  This  was  accomplished,  at  least  in 
part,  by  doing  without  meat  and  with  less  fruit,  both  expensive  in 
proportion  to  nutrition. 


TABLE    23. — TWO   WEEKLY    FOOD     BUDGETS    OF    A    THRIFTY    FAMILY 


(1)  Account  When  Man  Worked  on 
Full  Pay 

(2)  Account  When  Man 
Worked  on  Half  Pay 

Article 

Cost 

Pounds 

Cost 

Pounds 

Meat  . 
Beans. 
Milk   . 
Cheese 
Butter 
Eggs  . 
Flour. 
Bread.       . 
Potatoes    . 
Turnips,  etc. 
Green  veg. 
Canned  veg. 
Fruit  . 
Sugar. 
Sundries    . 

$1.81 
.06 

.12 

.21 

•'7 
.14 

•47 
.21 
.05 

il 

1 2. 1 
•5 

2% 

1.2 
.8 
2-3 
5-5 
12.0 
2.2 

2-5 

20.3 
7' 

$0.75 
.06 

!i 

.42 
•3' 

.10 

.1 1 
.40 
.28 
.42 

5-7 

•7 

1 0.0 

•3 

5:1 

10.3 
3-3 

3.6 

1-3 

12.0 

9-3 

Total  .       . 

$5-" 

69.8 

$3.84 

60.4 

Such  economy  is  usually  instinctive  rather  than  the  result 
of  special  knowledge  or  interest  in  food  values.  Both  in  good 
times  and  bad  times  this  woman  failed  to  give  her  family  sufficient 
of  the  tissue  builders.  The  housewives  expressed  some  scorn  of 
the  theoretical  aspects  of  the  problem  as  taught  in  the  cooking 
classes  of  the  Schwab  Manual  Training  School,  feeling  that  prac- 
tical experience  was  of  more  value  than  any  theory.  As  the  girls 
who  attended  the  cooking  classes  were  many  of  them  only  in  the 
grammar  grades,  they  probably  did  not  make  clear  at  home  the 
everyday  applications  of  theories  expressed  in  unfamiliar  terms. 
Proteids  and  calories  seem  to  bear  so  little  relation  to  pork  and 
beans. 

78 


TABLE    AND    DINNER    PAIL 

The  four  prize  housekeepers  I  knew  were  daughters  of 
Pennsylvania  farmers.  They  had  learned  as  country  girls  how 
to  work,  how  to  provide,  and  how  to  economize,  and  how  at  the 
same  time  to  create  a  real  home  atmosphere.  Girls,  on  the  other 
hand,  who  had  worked  in  factories  or  been  clerks,  lacked  the 
practical  training  necessary  to  help  them  solve  the  problems 
awaiting  the  young  wife  of  a  wage-earner.  To  my  surprise  also 
I  found  that  in  some  instances  domestic  service  was  a  no  more 
satisfactory  preparation  for  housekeeping.  I  remember  a  kitchen 
where  all  was  wretched,  the  children  unwashed,  the  woman 
untidy,  the  room  unswept.  Though  the  man  earned  $3.20  a 
day,  his  wife,  trained  as  a  servant  in  a  wealthy  home,  had  learned 
extravagant  ways  and  realized  helplessly  that  she  could  not  "get 
caught  up"  with  her  bills,  manage  her  home  efficiently,  or  train 
her  children.  "He  doesn't  see,"  she  said,  "why  it  is  though  he 
earns  twice  what  he  did  when  he  married  me,  we  are  still  behind, 
and  he  doesn't  even  carry  any  insurance." 

The  task  of  solving  these  problems  demands,  as  already 
suggested,  no  mean  degree  of  patience,  of  practical  skill,  of  intelli- 
gence and  interest.  We  demand  that  the  worker  save,  and  forget 
that  this  often  can  be  accomplished  only  by  constant,  intelligent 
watchfulness  on  the  part  of  the  wife,  or  by  doing  without  some 
of  the  essentials  of  a  normal,  healthful  life. 

The  marvelous  success  of  some  women  should  not  blind  us 
to  the  fact  that  they  are  exceptional  housekeepers.  After  watch- 
ing the  busy  lives  and  the  problems  of  these  women,  I  came  to 
believe  that  the  woman  who  can  keep  her  home  healthful  and 
attractive  on  $15  or  less  a  week  has  in  her  elements  of  genius. 
Many  a  woman  who  can  keep  house  fairly  well  on  an  income  that 
does  not  require  close  economy  would  find  herself,  I  am  sure, 
sadly  at  a  loss  to  maintain  a  satisfying  table  on  25  cents  a  day 
per  man — the  level  upon  which,  in  a  period  of  hard  times,  my 
"under  $15"  budget  housekeepers  managed  their  expenditures  for 
table  and  dinner  pail.  If  these  per  diem  tests  are  indicative,  this 
would  allow  little  more  than  enough  to  maintain  the  physical  effi- 
ciency of  a  workingman's  household  even  with  the  most  skilful  ex- 
penditure; a  margin  of  only  15  cents  a  day  to  make  good  any  lack 
of  skill,  or  to  provide  a  leeway  for  the  purchase  of  appetizing 

79 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

trifles.  A  round  of  food  chosen  solely  for  its  value  in  proteids 
and  calories  would  be  an  undue  tax  on  the  housekeeper's  brain. 
Only  skilled  housekeepers  can  set  a  table  that  is  both  nourishing 
and  appetizing  for  such  a  sum. 

Buying  nourishing  food  at  a  small  cost  is  not  a  task  com- 
pleted once  for  all.  These  are  three-times-a-day  problems. 
Even  the  most  skilful  fail  at  times  to  buy  wisely,  and  what  is  to 
be  anticipated  for  those  whose  large  families  make  such  heavy 
demands  on  them  that  they  are  unable  to  find  the  time  to  plan 
and  provide  ahead  of  the  need;  those  with  an  uncertain  income; 
those  especially  who  are  just  incapable  and  unintelligent?  If 
vigilance  is  relaxed  or  if  some  disaster  lessens  income,  the  food 
supply  is  bound  to  fall  below  what  is  essential. 


80 


CHAPTER  VI 

OTHER     EXPENDITURES:    THE     BUDGET 
AS   A   WHOLE 

THE  vital  problem  which  in  normal  times  confronts  these 
homemakers  is  not  provision  against  physical  destitution. 
With  the  wages  given  in  the  steel  mills,  that  may  safely 
be  assumed  for  the  families  of  the  English-speaking  workers.  The 
question  is  whether  when  they  have  met  their  rent  and  food  bills 
there  is  money  enough  left  to  provide  for  the  other  vital  needs  of 
mind  and  body. 

The  answer  to  this  question  was  partly  revealed  by  a  study  of 
the  detailed  items  of  expenditure  from  which  the  accompanying 
tables  were  drawn.  Once  the  food  and  rent  account  had  been 
paid,  the  margin  for  other  family  expenditures,  during  the  period 
studied,  ranged  from  $3. 14  a  week  in  the  group  spending  under  $1 2, 
to  1 1 2.45  among  those  spending  over  $20.  This  margin  increases 
proportionately,  as  well  as  actually,  with  increased  income;  for 
while  only  a  little  over  one-third  of  the  expenditures  of  families 
spending  under  $12  goes  for  other  needs  than  food  and  shelter, 
the  proportion  in  the  higher  groups  approaches  one-half  of  the 
total  outlay.  At  every  level,  this  increasing  margin  must  be 
distributed  among  three  main  spheres  of  expenditures:  (1)  for 
other  home  and  personal  needs,  such  as  fuel,  clothing,  furniture, 
service  and  minor  housekeeping  items,  through  which,  no  less 
than  through  rent  and  food,  the  family  expresses  its  household 
standards;  (2)  sundry  outlays  for  social  purposes  such  as  edu- 
cation, recreation,  religion  and  the  like,  through  which  the  family 
shares  in  the  community  life;  and  (3)  savings  and  insurance 
through  which  the  family  provides  for  old  age  or  for  such  emer- 
gencies as  sickness,  accident  and  unemployment. 

Since  the  margin  is  often  not  large  enough  to  provide  equally 
for  all  these  ends,  each  family  reveals  something  of  its  inherent 
6  81 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

character  by  the  choices  it  makes.  One  family  chooses  present 
pleasures  as  against  the  comfort  of  owning  a  house;  one  mother 
music  lessons  as  against  pretty  clothes  for  the  children.  In  each 
sphere  some  items  are  regarded  as  essentials,  and  others  as  non- 
essentials. 

As  between  expenditures  in  these  three  directions  then, 
not  only  the  contents  of  pay  envelopes,  but  the  individual  prefer- 
ences of  families  within  the  various  expenditure  groups,  play  an 
important  part.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  discuss  the  relative 
expenditures  for  such  purposes,  complicated  as  they  were  by  the 
occurrence  of  the  hard  times,*  but  rather  to  suggest  to  the  reader 
some  things  which  influence  the  decisions  made  by  a  family,  and 
indicate  how  far  incomes  at  the  different  levels  may  permit  of  ra- 
tional expenditures  one  week  after  another  in  all  these  directions. 

The  tables  and  general  discussion  will  mean  more  if  the  facts 
concerning  the  expenditures  of  a  few  families  are  first  noted, 
bringing  out  some  of  the  distinctive  items  which  fall  into  individual 
budgets: 

Stone.  A  colored  family  of  five,  the  man  a  teamster 
earning  $12  a  week,  had  an  average  weekly  expenditure 
of  $12.24  during  the  time  the  account  was  kept.  Rent,  $2.00; 
food,  $6.23;  coal,  $1.45;  washing  materials,  $  .09;  insurance, 
$  .39;  church,  $.10;  tobacco,  $.  08;  medicine,  $1.09;  sun- 
dries, $  .86. 

Stearns.  An  English  family  of  five  who  own  their 
house  had  an  average  weekly  expenditure  of  $12.03.  Food, 
$6.49;  fuel,  $  .80;  clothing,  $  .09;  repairing  house,  $3.58; 
insurance,   $  .39;   medicine,  $  .19;   sundries,  $  .59. 

Ahearn.  An  American  family  of  five  who  own  their 
house,  had  an  average  weekly  expenditure  of  $14.68.  Food, 
$9.27;  clothing,  $3.29;  fuel,  $1.50;  washing  material,  $.06; 
kitchen  utensils,  $  .20;    sundries,  $  .26. 

*  For  instance,  furniture  and  clothing  are  not  representative  items  in  a 
four  weeks'  study  of  a  family's  spendings;  still  less  are  they  so  during  hard  times. 
The  extent  of  savings  represented  by  house-buying  on  the  instalment  plan  is  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  get  at.  The  small  expenditure  for  tobacco  and  liquor  in  these 
budgets  is  to  be  accounted  for,  at  least  in  part,  by  the  fact  that  men  did  not  tell 
at  home  what  they  had  purchased.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  these  tables 
the  basis  for  classification  is  weekly  expenditure,  not  normal  or  actual  earnings. 
The  women  usually  hesitated  to  ask  the  man  about  his  spending  money,  and  as  in 
the  days  of  slack  work  they  did  not  know  just  what  he  earned  it  was  difficult  to 
learn  of  such  personal  items. 

82 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

Roth.  Young  American  couple  with  one  child,  had 
an  average  weekly  expenditure  of  $16.96.  Rent,  $3.33; 
food,  $6.19;  clothing,  $5.30;  furniture,  $.17;  household 
expenses,  $  .26;  insurance,  $1.00;  sundries,  $  .69. 

Stillman.  Man,  wife  and  two  children;  Scotch;  had 
an  average  weekly  expenditure  of  $18.63.  Payment  on 
house,  $5.00;  food,  $5.19;  fuel,  $.83;  clothing,  $1.00; 
furniture,  $  .87;  household  expenses,  $  .87;  insurance, 
$2.65;  tobacco,  $  .53;  medicine,  $  .52;  sundries,  $2.05. 

Lester.  Family  of  eight,  had  an  average  weekly 
expenditure  of  $21.09.  Rent,  $2.21;  food,  $8.02;  fuel, 
$.45;  clothing,  $5.37;  furniture,  $1.44;  household  expenses, 
$.60;  insurance,  $.34;  tobacco,  $.29;  medicine,  $.75; 
sundries,  $1.56. 

White.  American  family  of  five,  the  man  dead  but 
two  sons  support  the  family.  They  own  their  house.  Their 
average  weekly  expenditure  was  $21.  Food,  $8.56;  fuel, 
$1.00;  clothing,  $  .39;  household  expenses,  $  .22;  furniture, 
$2.75;  insurance,  $2.55;  newspapers,  music  lessons,  etc., 
$1.81;  church,  $.27;  recreation,  $.14;  medicine,  $.90; 
sundries,  $1.15. 

Byrnes.  American  couple  living  in  an  attractive 
house  with  bath.  Their  average  weekly  expenditure  was 
$22.57.  Rent>  $5-Oo;  food,  $9.22;  gas,  $3.42;  furniture, 
$.80;  insurance,  $1.02;  medicine,  $2.50;  sundries,  $  .59. 

Howe.  An  Irish-American  family  of  five  owning 
their  house.  Their  average  weekly  expenditure  was  $30. 
Food,  $14.04;  fuel,  $2.47;  clothing,  $1.62;  washing,  $.31; 
furniture,  $5.57;  insurance,  $  .66;  education,  $  .30;  spend- 
ing money,  $  .96;  tobacco,  $  .34;  dentist,  $1.25;  bank,  $2.50; 
sundries,  $  .10. 

The  following  paragraph  gives  the  total  expenditures  for 
four  weeks  for  everything  but  food  and  rent  of  a  family  of  seven 
whose  average  weekly  income  was  $16.38. 

Oil,  $  .40;  coal,  $5.20;  interest  instalments  on  furni- 
ture, $2.00;  lamp  wick,  $.06;  shovel,  $.10;  basin,  $.15; 
brush,  $.05;  soap,  $.30;  stove  and  shoe  blacking,  $.10; 
paint,  $  .50;  broom,  $  .35;  stockings,  $  .35;  shoes  mended, 
$1.55;  gloves,  $.10;  hat,  $.10;  underwear,  $.40;  shoes, 
$1.40;  thread,  $  .06;  ribbon,  $  .28;  candy,  $.15;  carfare, 
$.20;  insurance,  $1.10;  medicine,  $.10;  church,  $.08; 
"flowers  for  the  dead,"  $  .60;  spending  money  for  children, 
$  .36;  for  boy  at  work,  $1.00;  for  man,  $4.50.     Total  for  the 

83 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

month,  $21.54.     This  gives  an  average  for  everything  above 
food  and  shelter  of  $5.38  a  week. 


TABLE     24. — AVERAGE 

WEEKLY 

EXPENDITURE     OF     90     BUDGET 

FAMILIES    FOR    VARIOUS    ITEMS. — BY    EXPENDITURE    GROUP 

-cT- 

<o 

3  8 

<u 

V 

8 

Expenditure 

&3 

M 

s 

"8 

<u 

•S 

a 

*£■ 

S 

-2 

8 

4s 

Group 

II 

is- 

tX 

£ 

I*. 

a 

1 

.5  a 

a 
s 

£ 

3 

s 

CO 

Under  $12.00 

32 

$9.17 

$1.88 

$4.16 

$.38  $.94 

$.09 

$.15 

$.70 

$.07 

$.20 

$.10 

$.50 

$12.00-$  1 4.99 

16 

R.^2 

2.29 

5.8b 

■11 

'■■57 

.20 

•23 

•5' 

.05 

•  14 

.471.23 

$15.00-$  1 9.99 

23 

17-SQ 

2-73 

7.1 1 

.66  2.10 

& 

.58 

1.05 

3 

.63 

.481.83 

$20.00  and  over  . 

•9 

25.56 

373 

9.38 

.903.36 

.66 

1.86 

.1 1 

.584-09 

TABLE  25. — RATIO  OF  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURES  FOR  VARIOUS  ITEMS 
BETWEEN    DIFFERENT    EXPENDITURE    GROUPS 


Expenditure 
Group 

a 

t*5 

1 

I 

V 

£ 

"0 
O 

a 
1 
5 

a 
Si 

a 
s 

0 

1 

0 
a 
.** 
'-3 

•5 

51 

1 

a 

Under  $12.00    . 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

IOO 

246 

366 
818 

$12.00-$  1 4.99  . 

'41; 

122 

141 

203 

,67 

222 

m 

73 

7' 

70 

470 
480 

$15.00-$  19.99  • 

192 

198 

171 

•74 

223 

400 

150 

7' 

3'b 

$20.00  and  over. 

278 

225 

237 

357 

889 

440 

266 

114 

bb 

570 

A  glance  at  Tables  24  and  25  indicates  how  different  items 
respond  to  changes  in  available  income.  Expenditures  for  food, 
rent,  fuel,  and  insurance  increase  less  rapidly  than  do  total  ex- 
penditures, while  clothing,  furniture,  minor  housekeeping  ex- 
penses, medicine,  and  sundries,  increase  more  rapidly.  This 
suggests  the  main  distinction  made  by  these  people  as  to  what 
they  consider  necessities  and  what  luxuries.  There  is  a  limit 
below  which  necessities  will  not  be  cut  down  even  when  economy 
is  necessary;  the  more  essential  the  item,  therefore,  the  smaller  is 
its  rate  of  increase  as  more  income  becomes  available. 

Undue  economy,  may  result  in  the  lowering  of  more  than 
84 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

purely  physical  standards.  It  may  also  interfere  with  the  de- 
velopment of  social  standards.  We  are  all  imitators,  and  the 
inability  to  have  what  others  have,  even  when  the  absence  of 
the  thing  is  not  in  itself  a  privation,  reacts  on  the  individual 
life  by  lessening  the  sense  of  self-respect  and  social  standing.  For 
example,  to  turn  to  our  first  group  of  marginal  expenditures,  the 
development  of  home  life  depends  in  part  on  having  furniture 
enough.  The  front  room  to  be  used  must  be  cozy.  Fresh  cur- 
tains, a  couch,  and  an  occasional  carpet  are  household  effects 
which  must  be  currently  reckoned  with.  To  secure  these,  the 
instalment  dealer  is  often  resorted  to.  The  majority  of  the  people 
often  buy  on  the  instalment  plan  though  in  conversation  they 
usually  admit  that  it  is  an  extravagant  method.  As  one 
thrifty  housewife  said,  "I  must  have  new  curtains  this  spring, 
and  I  haven't  the  money."  There  seems  to  be  in  the  main 
little  difference  in  the  financial  standing  of  the  families  buying 
on  cash  and  on  instalment.  It  is  in  fact  more  often  from 
those  with  small  incomes  that  you  hear  the  emphatic  statement, 
"I  won't  buy  anything  unless  I  have  cash  for  it."  It  is  largely  a 
question  of  thrift  and  the  will  power  to  wait  for  things  till  the 
money  is  in  hand.  While  the  most  frequent  purchases  are  such 
expensive  articles  as  pianos,  sewing  machines  and  couches,  with 
some  families  everything  even  to  blankets,  curtains,  and  clothes 
are  bought  in  this  way.  Some  married  people  even  start  their 
housekeeping  on  this  basis,  though  the  more  thrifty  among  them 
put  off  the  wedding  day  till  the  money  is  ready.  One  young 
couple  began  life  in  a  three-room  tenement,  equipped  with  preten- 
tious furniture  for  which  they  had  paid  cash.  The  woman  showed 
me  the  "mahogany"  bed  set,  elaborately  carved,  the  dining  room 
furniture  and  a  good  kitchen  range,  which  she  assured  me  were 
purchased  at  reasonable  prices  for  cash,  the  two  sets  costing  re- 
spectively 1 1 36  and  $60.  The  bride,  who  is  very  proud  of  them, 
feels  that  they  justify  the  delay  in  marriage.  As  she  is  only 
seventeen  now,  one  can  quite  agree  with  her.  There  is  little 
danger  that  people  whose  work  is  as  steady  as  is  usual  in  Home- 
stead, will  be  unable  to  keep  up  payments,  and  I  learned  of  no 
instances  where  furniture  was  taken  for  failure  to  pay.  However, 
the  decision  to  buy  a  new  piece  of  furniture  is  often  a  matter 

85 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

for  grave  consideration,  and  an  unattractive  home  may  be  a  sign, 
not  of  indifference,  but  of  actual  inability  to  pay  for  anything 
beyond  the  merest  necessities. 

Again,  if  the  need  for  economy  in  fuel  is  too  insistent,  front 
rooms  are  left  unheated,  and  bedrooms  have  no  stoves.  While  the 
picture  often  conjured  up  of  the  whole  family  gathered  about  the 
kitchen  table  in  the  evening  is  delightful,  the  custom  has  some 
drawbacks.  It  is  hard  to  do  "home  work"  when  the  baby  cries; 
it  is  harder  still  to  do  one's  courting  under  the  family  eye;  it  is 
hardest  of  all  to  develop  mentally  or  spiritually  when  solitude  is 
impossible.  While  these  disadvantages  result  from  overcrowding, 
we  must  remember  that  an  economy  in  fuel  also  which  makes 
some  of  the  rooms  useless  during  the  winter  months  has  the  same 
results. 

The  same  desire  for  social  sanction  which  finds  expression 
in  the  ambition  to  have  a  well  furnished  parlor  affects  the  ex- 
penditures for  clothes.  The  woman  referred  to  earlier  who  did 
not  save  because  she  wanted  her  children  to  dress  as  well  as  others 
exemplifies  the  strength  of  this  desire.  Providing  clothes  is  an 
ever  present  task  to  many  women,  especially  to  those  with  growing 
daughters.  One  woman  who  had  a  home  to  keep  on  $2.00  a  day 
achieved  remarkable  results  in  economical  and  attractive  attire 
by  buying  remnants  at  bargain  sales  and  making  them  herself  into 
tasteful  dresses.  She  was  rewarded  by  the  pleasure  given  to  her 
three  girls, — yet  the  strain  of  overwork  in  the  long  run  wore  her 
out,  mind  and  body.  It  is  not  fair  to  look  only  at  results  and  not 
count  the  cost,  to  say  that  because  women  can  keep  attractive 
homes  on  low  wages  we  are  justified  in  expecting  them  to  do  so, 
unless  we  know  what  may  be  the  physical  and  mental  outcome 
of  their  struggle. 

Some  leeway  in  household  purchases  is  a  definite  help  to 
overburdened  housewives.  For  example,  under  minor  house- 
keeping expenses  is  included  not  only  the  item  of  kitchen  utensils, 
washing  materials,  etc.,  but  also  of  personal  service.  To  pay  for 
sewing  is  possible  only  in  rare  instances,  so  clothes  are  either  made 
at  home  or  bought  ready-made.  Except  in  families  having  an 
income  of  over  $20,  the  washing  is  rarely  done  out,  unless  there 
is  sickness.     Housework  may  be  materially  lightened  by  the  use 

86 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

of  gas  instead  of  coal,  and  in  Homestead,  with  its  supply  of  natural 
gas,  the  relative  cost  is  not  great, — only  thirty  cents  a  thousand 
cubic  feet.  But  even  with  care  its  use  for  baking,  washing  and 
ironing,  as  well  as  heating,  makes  the  bills  grow,  and  an  income  of 
$12  a  week  does  not  permit  a  gas  bill  of  $2.50  a  month, — that  of 
one  careful  housekeeper, — nor  the  purchase  of  gas  ranges.  Again, 
$15  washing  machines,  which  families  with  larger  incomes  fre- 
quently have,  serve  to  lighten  the  tedious  task  of  keeping  clothes 
clean  in  a  smoky  mill  town.  Incidentally,  they  make  it  possible 
for  the  man  to  help,  since  not  uncommonly  "the  mister"  when 
working  at  night  "turns  the  machine"  before  going  to  bed  in  the 
morning.  In  one  family  the  husband  had  attached  it  to  the 
hydrant  so  that  the  water  served  as  motive  power  and  turned  the 
machine  while  the  woman  attended  to  her  other  duties, — a  great 
advance  over  the  back-breaking  washboard.  These  four  items, 
then,  of  fuel,  furniture,  clothing  and  housekeeping  expenses,  rep- 
resent specifically  the  financial  problems  the  woman  must  meet. 
To  reduce  them  is  her  special  economy,  and  freedom  to  increase 
them  relieves  her  in  part  of  that  monotonous  and  constant  strug- 
gle to  make  the  home  attractive  on  the  man's  earnings. 

One  interesting  point  in  Table  25  (page  84),  is  that  expenses 
incurred  for  health  (which  may  well  be  grouped  with  these  other 
home  expenditures)  count  as  a  luxury  to  be  indulged  in  only  with 
increasing  income.  When,  for  instance,  a  child  is  ill,  the  state  of 
the  pocket-book,  no  less  than  the  seriousness  of  the  disease,  deter- 
mines whether  the  doctor  shall  be  called.  Tonics  for  the  rundown 
in  spring  time  are  dispensed  with  in  a  laborer's  home.  Perhaps 
the  tendency  in  this  direction  that  is  most  serious  in  its  results, 
is  the  custom  of  relying  upon  midwives  in  confinement.  While 
this  is  more  frequent  among  the  foreigners  (the  abuses  associated 
with  it  will  be  referred  to  in  Chapter  XI),  many  English-speaking 
women  call  in  midwives  because  their  fees  are  much  smaller  and 
because  they  help  in  the  housework.  There  are  no  visiting  nurses 
in  Homestead  whose  assistance  can  be  secured  for  an  hour  or  so. 

Under  "Sundries"  (Table  24)  are  grouped  not  only  miscel- 
laneous items  which  fall  under  no  other  head,  but  those  that 
might  be  called  the  social  expenses  of  the  household;  those  which 

87 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

enable  it  to  bear  its  part  in  the  community  life, — expenses  for 
church,  education,  newspapers,  and  recreation  of  all  sorts.  Two 
accounts  taken  at  random  will  illustrate  the  variety  of  needs  to 
be  met  by  this  allowance.  In  one  colored  family  where  the  man 
earns  |2.io  a  day  the  expenditure  of  $1.65  a  week  was  as  follows: 
Candy,  $.05;  toys,  $.20;  garden  seeds,  f  .11;  carfare,  f  .12; 
postage,  $  .01;  school,  $  .30;  church,  $1.00.  In  another  family 
where  there  are  six  children,  and  the  income  was  about  $3.00  a 
day,  the  expense  for  sundries  for  a  week  was  but  $  .70:  Candy, 
$.09;  carfare,  $.20;  lunches  away  from  home,  $.14;  shoe 
polish,  etc.,  $.08;  bird  ,seed,  $.02;  repairing  wringer,  $.12; 
amusements,  $  .05. 

Fortunately  public  school  education  is  not  a  direct  expense 
to  the  household  in  this  country,  but  outlays  for  newspapers, 
books  and,  in  Homestead,  membership  in  the  Carnegie  Club  are 
to  be  included.  Many  people  take  one  of  the  two  local  papers 
which,  though  they  contain  the  more  important  general  news, 
are  largely  devoted  to  town  matters,  including  a  good  deal  of 
neighborhood  gossip.  The  second-rate  stories  and  anecdotes  on 
the  inside  pages  form  a  substitute  for  cheap  magazines.  These 
papers,  while  possibly  financially  independent  are,  as  far  as  I 
could  see,  over-loyal  to  that  industry  which  has  created  the  town's 
prosperity  and  are  lamentably  weak  as  exponents  of  the  real 
sentiments  of  the  workers.  The  dues  of  $2.00  a  year  in  the  Car- 
negie Club,  entitling  one  to  membership  in  all  classes,  are  within 
the  reach  of  almost  all,  and  probably  do  not  deter  many  from 
joining.  Library  books  are  free  and  good  current  magazines, 
including  those  treating  of  the  manufacture  of  iron  and  steel,  are 
in  the  library.  The  members  of  the  family,  therefore,  may  have 
books  to  read,  even  if  they  cannot  buy  them  for  the  home.  What- 
ever education  the  town  offers  is  practically  free  to  all. 

A  second  expense  included  in  sundries  is  that  for  church 
support.  In  a  recent  book  entitled  Christianity  and  the  Social 
Crisis,*  the  author  reminds  us  that  modern  industrial  conditions 
have  made  it  practically  impossible  to  obey  the  old  command 
that  a  tenth  of  the  income  should  be  devoted  to  the  church. 

*  Rauschenbusch,  Walter:  Christianity  and  the  Social  Crisis.  New  York, 
The  Macmillan  Company,  1908. 


Eighth  Avenue  at  Xight,  Homestead 


Photo  hy  Iline 


A  Nickelodeon  Audience  in  Homestead 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

If  only  these  narrow  margins  remain  for  amusements,  education, 
church  and  sundries,  obviously  a  tenth  for  church  is  quite  out  of 
the  question.  One  reason,  Mr.  Rauschenbusch  claims,  why  the 
church  has  lost  its  hold  on  working  people,  is  because  they  cannot 
afford  their  share  in  its  maintenance.  In  the  cities  this  burden 
is  sometimes  assumed  by  the  members  of  wealthy  churches  who 
support  mission  chapels,  but  in  Homestead  there  is  no  such  group 
to  depend  upon  if  the  working  people  cannot  themselves  support 
the  churches.  The  family  whose  item  for  sundries  included  |i.oo 
for  church  was  an  enthusiastic  and  pious  colored  family,  but 
except  among  this  race  and  among  the  Slavs  the  contributions 
for  church  were  pitifully  small,  rarely  more  than  a  few  cents  for 
Sunday  school.  Upon  examining  the  budgets  one  realizes  why 
church  suppers  and  other  similar  methods  of  raising  money  under 
the  guise  of  amusements  are  frequently  necessary. 

Under  sundries  come  all  purely  recreational  expenditures. 
In  another  chapter  are  described  some  of  the  opportunities  for 
play  and  festivity  which  are  open  to  Homestead  people.  When 
we  note  that  during  the  period  studied,  the  families  whose  budgets 
ran  between  $12  and  $15  a  week  allowed  themselves  on  the  aver- 
age but  $1.23  for  all  sundries,  we  see  how  small  an  amount  can  be 
free  at  this  and  lower  levels  for  what  could  be  called  amusements. 
Ten  cents  a  week  for  the  nickelodeon  or  for  candy,  a  car  ride  to  the 
country  once  in  a  while, — these  are  the  possibilities  which  seem 
open  to  mothers  and  children  depending  on  a  day  laborer's  pay. 

Thus  far  we  have  considered  the  costs  of  shelter,  food, 
clothing,  and  other  ordinary  charges  for  maintaining  a  home, 
together  with  some  few  further  expenditures  growing  out  of  the 
family's  relation  to  the  world  about  it.  Its  plans  for  the  future 
next  concern  us.  This  is  my  third  category  under  marginal  ex- 
penditures, and  includes  provision  for  the  contingencies  of  death, 
sickness,  and  lack  of  work.  The  problems  these  may  present  to 
the  household  are  readily  illustrated. 

The  Petersons,  an  American  family  of  five  had,  with  gen- 
uine thrift,  saved  enough  to  buy  their  own  home  and  also  had 
started  a  bank  account.  The  man  was  a  skilled  workman 
and  earned  over  $20  a  week.  A  long  illness  brought  them  to 
dependence  on  their  savings  and  the  sick  benefits  from  two 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

lodges.  For  two  months  their  accounts  were  kept,  when  their 
expenditures  had  fallen  from  $20  to  $9.35  a  week.  These 
weeks  averaged  as  follows:  Food,  $4.38;  fuel,  $  .40;  cloth- 
ing, $1.41;  furniture,  $.08;  housekeeping  expenses,  $.20; 
insurance,  $1.20;   tobacco,  $  .13;   medicine,  $  .60;   sundries, 

I -95- 

The  Webers's  income  dropped  off  with  the  hard  times. 
This  thrifty  German  household  had  a  comfortable  four-room 
house  with  running  water  for  which  they  paid  $15  a  month. 
The  man  was  a  skilled  worker  in  the  mill  who  earned  ordina- 
rily $4.00  a  day.  For  four  weeks,  however,  in  which  they  kept 
account  for  me,  his  earnings  amounted  in  all  to  but  $35,  and 
this  had  to  suffice  for  a  family  of  six.  They  had  to  let  part 
of  the  rent  remain  unpaid  and  with  this  credit  added  in, 
their  total  weekly  expenditures  averaged  $10.48  or  $1.49  a 
day.  Some  relatives  who  were  less  pinched  helped  with  food, 
which  accounts  for  the  extremely  low  table  expenditure. 
Their  expenses  were  as  follows:  Rent,  $3.75;  food,  $2.94; 
clothing,  $  .27;  housekeeping  expenses,  $  .06;  insurance, 
$2.52;   tobacco,  $.  1 5 ;  liquor,  $  .20;  sundries,  $  .59. 

These  figures  will  give  some  hint  of  the  drastic  way  in  which 
a  temporary  emergency  cuts  down  a  wage-earner's  income  and 
cuts  out  of  a  family's  expenditures  all  but  the  most  essential  items. 
With  the  customary  regularity  of  work  in  the  mill,  however, 
anxiety  for  the  future  in  Homestead  usually  focuses  itself  on  the 
possible  sickness  or  death  of  the  breadwinner.  The  usual  way  in 
which  working  people  prepare  for  these  two  emergencies  is  by 
insurance.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  tendency  of  the  insurance 
item  in  the  budgets  is  to  increase  less  rapidly  than  total  expen- 
ditures (Table  25,  page  84);  this  form  of  provision  for  the  future, 
therefore,  is  counted  a  necessity  in  Homestead.  Both  fraternal  and 
regular  insurance  are  carried.  Of  the  men  in  the  budget  families 
57.8  per  cent  held  memberships  in  lodges;  43.3  per  cent  had 
policies   in   regular  companies;*    11    men   held   two  policies,   10 

*  The  social  features  of  lodge  membership,  to  be  discussed  later,  undoubtedly 
create  a  preference  for  insurance  in  fraternal  orders  rather  than  in  commercial 
companies;  but  cheaper  rates  are  also  partly  responsible  for  the  larger  percentage 
insuring  in  the  former.  The  question  which,  of  course,  arises  as  to  whether  these 
low  rates  are  consistent  with  safety  is  too  large  to  discuss  here.  The  people  them- 
selves have  usually  unbounded  faith  in  their  reliability,  though  I  was  told  of  at 
least  one  order  which  had  failed. 

90 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

table  26. — number  of  persons  insured  in  90  budget  fami- 
lies and  per  cent  of  families  carrying  insurance.* — by 
expenditure  group 


Total 
Fam- 
ilies 

Companies 

Lodges 

Number  of 

Families 

having 

Insurance 

Per  cent 

Expenditure 
Group 

Men 
Insured 

Others 
Insured 

Men  in 
Lodges 

Others 

in 
Lodges 

of  Fam- 
ilies hav- 
ing In- 
surance 

Under  §12.00 
$12.00-$  1 4.99 
$15.00-$  1 9.99 
$20.00  and  over    . 

19 

12 
8 

10 
9 

20 
9 
16 
>7 

'I 

18 
1 1 

10 
12 

'4 

26 

14 
22 

•5 

81.3 

87.5 
95-7 
79.0 

Total       . 

90 

39 
(43-3%) 

62 

(5758%) 

47 

77 

85.5 

TABLE  27. — NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  IN  90  BUDGET  FAMILIES  IN- 
SURED IN  REGULAR  COMPANIES  AND  LODGES. — BY  RACIAL 
GROUP 


<a 

8 

Number  of  Men 

S 

Q 

Number 

Number 

Holding  One  or 

S 

Insured 

Insured 

M 

More  Policies, 

s 

S 

in 

IN 

*l 

or  Uninsured 

Companies 

Lodges 

K 

Xi 

? 

S 

a  s 

'§ 

£ 

•5  <s 

Racial  Group 

£ 

?s 

c 

.*> 

■» 

2 

SI 

3 

0 

a,  2 

2 

s 

S 

O 

~2 

a. 

"3 

a. 

"3 
a. 

"3 
a. 

1-1 

s  s 

i 

s 

3 

s 
5| 

S 

£ 

1 

£ 

u. 

1 

5 

8 

JS-S 

S: 

29 

2 

25 

2 

0 

27 

a. 

•5 

Slav     . 

93.1 

2 

6 

2l 

3 

Eng.  sp.  Eur.    . 

■3 

4 

3 

5 

9 

69.2 

8 

17 

ll 

Nat.  white 

2S 

■5 

IO 

3 

3 

2 

2 

0 

20 

80.0 

13 

20 

14 

8 

Colored 

90 

2 
'3 

I 

3 

1 1 

2 

10 

2 

2 

4 
4 

21 

77 

91.3 

.6 

•9 
62 

5 

7 

47 

Total  . 

85.6 

39 

52 

3 

*  It  was  difficult  to  secure  accurate  statements  as  to  the  amount  of  the  policies 
since,  in  some  instances,  industrial  insurance  and  lodge  insurance  vary  with  the 
length  of  time  a  policy  has  been  running,  Often  the  families  themselves  did  not 
know  the  exact  amount.  No  attempt  has  been  made,  therefore,  to  classify  insurance 
by  the  amount  of  the  policies. 

91 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

three,  two  four,  and  two  five.  The  two  groups  overlap,  so  that 
altogether  85.6  per  cent  of  the  budget  families  carried  insurance 
in  one  form  or  another.  In  no  expenditure  group  did  the  per- 
centage fall  below  80. 

Among  these  families  the  amount  expended  for  insurance, 
as  well  as  the  proportionate  number  insuring,  increases  with 
income  until  the  group  spending  over  $20  per  week  is  reached. 
The  lower  percentage  in  the  latter  group  may  indicate  that  the 
families  are  better  able  to  rely  on  savings,  and  find  insurance 
less  essential  for  burial  and  sickness  expenses.  Most  of  the 
policies  held  in  this  group  called  for  materially  larger  death 
benefits.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  the  two  nationalities  in 
which  the  largest  proportion  of  families  carried  some  form  of 
insurance  were  the  Slavs  and  the  colored.  Most  of  the  Slavs 
carried  insurance  in  lodges  rather  than  in  the  commercial  com- 
panies. Some  reasons  for  this  we  shall  see  in  our  later  discussion 
of  the  Slavic  community  life. 

One  reason  why  workingmen's  families  feel  so  keenly  the 
need  of  insuring  can  be  shown  by  the  roll  of  accidents  reported  in 
the  Homestead  paper  for  three  typical  months,  January,  February, 
and  March,  1907.*  Fifty-two  men  were  injured  during  that  period 
in  the  Homestead  mill,  and  13  others  who  lived  in  Homestead  at 
the  time  of  the  accident,  were  injured  in  mills  of  the  United 
States  Steel  Corporation  outside  of  Homestead.  Of  this  total  of 
65,  seven  died.  Of  the  remaining  58,  30,  or  a  little  over  half, 
suffered  such  injuries  as  crushed  feet,  lacerated  hands,  sprained 
ankles,— injuries  for  the  most  part  that  laid  them  up  for  at  least 
a  week  or  two.  But  there  were  more  serious  accidents — three 
men  had  a  leg  or  an  arm  broken,  two  had  an  arm  amputated, 

*  In  May,  1908,  a  central  committee  was  appointed  by  the  United  States 
Steel  Corporation  to  co-ordinate  and  improve  the  work  of  eliminating  preventable 
accidents  on  the  part  of  constituent  companies.  The  Carnegie  Steel  Company 
had  been  one  of  the  most  active  in  this  field  in  the  year  preceding.  The  Com- 
pany's inspector  stated  in  the  spring  of  1908  that  in  seven  months  he  had  made 
two  thousand  recommendations  for  increasing  the  safety  of  men.  During  the  past 
two  years  there  has  been  a  systematic  development  of  this  work.  It  is  but  fairly 
begun,  however,  and  aside  from  preventable  accidents,  there  are  many  which  are 
inevitable  because  of  the  nature  of  the  work.  For  a  further  discussion  of  the 
causes  and  results  of  accidents  in  the  steel  industry,  see  Work-Accidents  and  the 
Law,  by  Crystal  Eastman,  a  companion  volume  in  the  series  of  the  Pittsburgh 
Survey. 

92 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 


HOI  HETM.  FELL  IN 
WATER  HID  EXPLODED 


Lmi 


51  E.  i 


b»ollng  bol  metal  n 
bouao  to  open  bearth  t 

Tbe  Impact  of  the  col 
ladle  and  aome  ot  t 
Killed  In  a  pool  of  I 
rack,   exploding    with 


ieph     Novlc. 


h  ot  VTKUalrer  'WITT 
uttering  Horn  contuaed 
■  shoulder  and  neck  re- 
al  worlt  in  tb»  31  lscb 


TWO  III  INJURED 

eycHfen 

Two  tmm  were  injured  hy  a  chfflo 
brtafcln&  In  tbe  52  Inch  mill  last 
«VoaiOB-  Jpbn  Joseph,  of  Wbltaker 
Way,  w*»  cat  about  the  bead  ami 
body,  and  John  Hoen  cvt  on  *th« 
bead  and  neck.  Doth  wen  given 
nedlcai  attention,  and  sent  oome. 


ten  were  wounded  about  the  face  and  head,  the  eyes  of  four 
were  hurt,  eight  re- 
ceived internal  injur- 
ies, and  one  was  par- 
alyzed. The  accom- 
panying clippings 
show  minor  injuries 
reported  in  the  Home- 
stead papers  for  two 
weeks  when  the  plant 
was  working  only  part 
time.  They  further 
illustrate  how  con- 
stantly the  men  are 
confronted  with 
danger. 

Along  with  other 
employes  of  the  Car- 
negie Steel  Com- 
pany— in  Duquesne, 
Braddock  and  else- 
where— the  men  in 
the  Homestead  mills 
have  benefited  by 
the  Carnegie  Relief 
Fund  of  $4,000,000 
given  in  trust  in 
1 90 1,  "to  provide 
for  the  employes  of 
the  Carnegie  Com- 
pany ...  in- 
jured in  its  service 
and  for  those  de- 
pendent upon  such 
employes  as  are 
killed."  This  gift 
was  made  by  An- 
drew Carnegie  at  the 

93 


of    Eighteenth 


FOREMAN  UED 
ST  SIEEl  IRKS 


W.'  N.  CrawTorQ,  a  foreman*  io'  the 
12£  melt  mill,  met  with  a  painful  ac- 
cident this  morning*  While  walldng 
through,  the  mill  he  Tell  In  a  hdle  and 
sustained  a  contusion  of  the  hip  qnd 

ed  by  the  company  physician   he  was 


John     Evans     a    alee!    worKer    who 

fiTfis  lolt  hand  lacerated   while   at 
rorjt^a  the   140    inch  . 


Joint.'  Poylc.  of  Eleventh  ftven 


i  : 

S.i 

V.i 

r.     of   tt't 

iliker 

V.'ay 

Wbo   waa 

iuli. 

red    In   ti 

a    m.ll 

aoiue 

Urn 

ago. 

a  1 

.provlus  tlowly 

TiMJOI  Wl 

ExceUlor 

wh 

'    ,  11  bla 

Ihl 

.rtt  Frida. 

lug. 

. 

FRACTURED    HIS  'ARM. 

Peter    Morrta,    a 

well    known    clti- 

zen  of  1256  Ravine 

tlm    of   a   painful 

accident   yesterday 

fn    the   steel    works 

He   was   adjust-  j 

s>  Inch  mill  in  the 

and    fell    from    a 

platform    to     the 

ground  below  with 

sufficient  force  ta 

fracture  bla*  "el*"  arm.        He  was'  ta.lt- 

the  company  phy- 

sicians.  where  I>e  n 

scelved  medical  at- 

tcntlon    and    was 

aier    removed      U> 

Mercy     hospital. 

homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

time  of  the  organization  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation, 
a  "first  use  of  surplus  wealth  upon  retiring  from  business,  as  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  debt  which  I  owe  to  the  workmen  who 
have  contributed  so  greatly  to  my  success."  The  fund  was 
not  intended  as  a  substitute  for  compensation  on  the  part  of 
the  company.  It  was  intended,  to  quote  Mr.  Carnegie,  "to  go 
still  further  and  give  to  the  injured,  or  employes  who  were 
needy  in  old  age,  some  provision  against  want  as  long  as 
needed,  or  until  young  children  can  become  self-supporting."* 
Under  this  fund  the  sum  of  $500  has  been  paid  to  the  widow 
of  each  workman  killed,  with  $100  additional  for  every  child 
under  sixteen.  To  the  family  of  a  single  man  killed,  $500 
has  been  paid  wherever  it  has  been  shown  that  he  was  a  reg- 
ular contributor  to  the  support  of  the  family.  When  damage 
suits  have  been  brought  against  the  company,  these  benefits 
have  been  withheld,  but  only  until  the  cases  were  decided. 
The  original  plan  provided  benefits  also  for  all  injuries  causing 
disability  for  more  than  two  weeks,  but  these  proved  more 
numerous  than  the  fund  could  deal  with,  and  beginning  in 
1905,  benefits  have  been  paid  from  the  fund  only  in  cases 
where  the  injuries  resulted  in  disability  lasting  more  than  one 
year,  and  in  such  cases  benefits  have  been  paid  only  until  the 
injured  man  could  get  work.  Thus,  if  a  man  who  had  lost  a  leg 
secured  a  job  as  watchman,  his  benefits  ceased.  In  1907,  the 
fund  paid  employes  in  the  Homestead  works  $11,398  (38  cases) 
in  death  benefits,  $2,583  (7  cases)  in  accident  benefits,  and 
$4,756  (36  cases)  in  pension  allowances.  Thirty  families  who  re- 
ceived death  benefits,  six  who  received  accident  benefits,  and  21 
who  received  pension  allowances,  were  still  resident  in  Homestead. 
The  Carnegie  Relief  Fund  has  been  the  most  notable  volun- 
tary provision  against  the  hazards  of  work  covering  any  group  of 
employes  in  the  Pittsburgh  District.  Its  importance  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  in  the  case  of  42  married  men  killed  in  the  Carnegie 
Company's  employ  in  Allegheny  County  in  twelve  months  in 
1906-7,  the  company  paid  less  than  $500  in  35  instances  (about 
the  treatment  customary  among  the  employers  of  the  district). 
With  the  Carnegie  Relief  benefits  added,  $500,  or  over,  was  re- 
*See  Appendix  XI,  p.  245. 
94 


other  expenditures:    the  budget  as  a  whole    • 

ceived  by  31  out  of  the  42.*  But  as  three-quarters  of  the  cases, 
even  with  this  addition,  received  less  than  $1000,  it  is  clear  that 
the  bulk  of  the  burden  of  lost  income  still  fell  upon  the  families 
of  the  killed  workmen. 

In  injury  cases,  as  stated,  aid  has  been  available  from  the  fund 
only  when  disability  lasted  for  more  than  a  year.  The  company 
has  frequently  paid  the  hospital  billsf  and  sometimes  made  a 
donation,  but  in  a  great  majority  of  these  cases,  even  those  that 
have  meant  six  or  nine  months  of  idleness,  the  families  could 
not  count  on  any  stated  assistance.^     For  household  expenses 

*Table  A. — Compensation  Paid  by  Carnegie  Steel  Company  to  Widows  of  42 
Employes  Killed  in  Allegheny  Co.,  Pennsylvania,  July  i,  1906, 
to  June  30,  1907 
Number  of  Families  Amount  Paid 

10 0 

17 I  100  or  less 

8 $  101  to$  500 

3 $  501  to  1 1 000 

2 $1001  to  $2000 

2 Over  $2000 

Table  B. — Compensation  Received  by  42  Widows  Entered  in  Table  A,  Plus 
Carnegie  Relief  Benefits 
Number  of  Families  Amount  Received 

1 0 

5 $  100  or  less 

5 $  101  to$  500 

20 I  501  to  $1000 

8 |iooi  to  $2000 

3 Over  $2000 

From  Eastman:  Work-Accidents  and  the  Law,  pp.  160-161. 
f  A  Homestead  Hospital  was  organized  in  1907  but  the  movement  received 
no  encouragement  from  the  Carnegie  Company.  In  addition  to  contributions 
from  residents  and  organizations  in  the  town,  it  received  a  state  appropriation 
from  the  legislature.  It  suffers  from  the  handicap  of  any  small  hospital,  tnat  with  a 
small  number  of  cases  it  cannot  secure  the  best  appliances  or  the  services  of  spe- 
cialists. Within  the  last  two  years  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company  has  put  up,  near 
the  mill,  a  one-story  emergency  hospital  with  an  operating  room  and  two  or  three 
beds.  Here  cases  can  be  treated  that  require  only  immediate  attention  or  that  are 
not  in  condition  to  be  carried  to  the  West  Pennsylvania  Hospital  in  Pittsburgh. 

%  In  April,  1910,  announcements  were  made  of  sweeping  changes  establish- 
ing a  stated  system  of  relief.  The  $4,000,000  of  the  Carnegie  Relief  Fund  has  been 
united  with  an  $8,000,000  fund  set  aside  by  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation 
and  will  be  used  to  provide  pensions  for  superannuated  workmen.  Distinct  from 
this  the  Corporation  announced  a  plan  for  the  relief  of  injured  workmen  and  the 
resident  families  of  those  killed  in  work-accidents  (for  details  see  Appendix  XII, 
p.  249)  which  provides  far  more  adequately  for  these  emergencies.  The  amounts 
given,  however,  do  not  make  up  for  the  income  loss  entailed  by  death  or  permanent 
injury.  They  afford  a  systematic  scheme  of  relief  from  want  due  directly  to  in- 
dustrial causes,  but  insurance  must  remain  an  important  item  in  the  family  budget, 
as  a  safeguard  against  natural  causes  of  death,  and  also  if  a  family's  standard  of 
living  is  to  be  maintained  subsequent  to  serious  or  fatal  accident  to  the  breadwinner. 

95 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

during  such  periods  they  have  had  to  depend  on  savings,  the 
help  of  friends,  or  on  sick  benefits.  Therefore,  for  protection 
to  their  families  against  death  and  injuries  they  have  turned  to 
insurance.  One  woman  told  of  a  serious  accident  her  husband 
suffered  in  the  mill  in  the  first  year  of  her  married  life.  He  was 
unable  to  work  for  three  months  and  during  that  time  the  $12.50 
a  week  he  received  from  three  benefit  orders  supported  the  family. 
"My  baby  came  then,"  she  added  feelingly,  "and  if  it  had  not 
been  for  that  money,  I  could  not  have  bought  clothes  for  her." 
The  frequent  accidents,  moreover,  have  tended  to  keep  insurance 
rates  high  in  Homestead  so  far  as  the  men  are  concerned.  Not 
long  ago  one  of  the  largest  industrial  insurance  companies,  the 
Prudential,  made  a  first-hand  investigation  of  work  hazards  in 
steel  mills  in  order  to  put  its  policy  rates  on  a  sound  footing. 
With  the  exception  of  superintendents  and  office  men,  it  no 
longer  accepts  steel  workers  as  first-class  risks.* 

Among  the  budget  groups  the  average  weekly  insurance 
payments  ranged  from  $  .70  to  $1.86.  To  put  in  concrete  form 
what  such  weekly  insurance  expenditure  means  in  actual  benefits 
for  the  family,  we  find  in  the  Home  Guards,  for  example, 
that  a  weekly  premium  of  $  .35  for  a  man  whose  occupation  puts 
him  in  an  intermediate  grade,  allows  a  sick  or  accident  benefit  of 
$13.50  for  16  weeks,  a  compensation  of  $525  for  the  loss  of  two 
eyes  or  two  limbs,  with  benefits  for  lesser  accidents  in  propor- 
tion, and  a  death  benefit  of  $150.  In  the  Modern  Woodmen  or 
the  Royal  Arcanum  a  premium  of  about  1.15a  week  provides 
a  death  benefit  of  $1000.  That  is,  for  $  .50  a  week  a  family  can 
partially  safeguard  itself  against  the  loss  from  sickness  or  death 
of  the  man,  while  if  there  are  a  wife  and  three  children  in  the 
family  an  additional  $  .25  to  $  .40  is  necessary,  to  provide  even  for 
their  funeral  expenses.  So  nearly  one  dollar  a  week  is  required 
to  make  modest  provisionf  against  these  contingencies, — a  large 

*  See  Appendix  X,  p.  243.  Another  insurance  company  which  has  3800 
industrial  policy  holders  in  Homestead  states  that  it  makes  no  extra  charge 
because  of  the  occupation. 

t  Compare  the  English  workmen's  compensation  act  which  provides  that 
in  case  of  death  the  family  shall  receive  the  equivalent  of  three  years'  wages.  This 
for  a  man  earning  $12  a  week  would  equal  $1872;  for  a  man  earning  $15  a  week, 
$2340. 

96 


other  expenditures:    the  budget  as  a  whole 

proportion  of  a  wage  of  $12  or  $15  a  week.  Only  those  families 
whose  expenditures  averaged  $17.59  Per  wee^  ^l  tnat  tney  could 
spend  as  much  as  that. 

It  is  significant  that  with  the  exception  of  three  Slavs,  all 
the  families  continued  their  insurance  payments  during  the  period 
of  depression.  One  woman  told  me  that  her  husband  could  not 
afford  to  keep  up  his  membership  in  his  lodge  though  they  con- 
tinued to  carry  their  company  insurance,  but  I  heard  of  no  English- 
speaking  people  who  discontinued  payments  entirely.  Saving  in 
any  other  form  during  this  time  was  an  impossibility,  but  families 
even  when  drawing  money  from  the  bank  kept  up  their  insurance. 

The  marked  absence  of  savings  in  these  budgets  was,  of 
course,  inevitable  during  such  a  period  of  slack  work.  As  the  mills 
had  hardly  shut  down  at  all  for  fifteen  years,  the  need  for  saving 
for  periods  of  idleness  had  not  been  an  ever  present  one  to 
the  minds  of  the  people.  But  the  thriving  business  done  by  the 
four  savings  banks  in  Homestead  in  ordinary  times  indicates  that 
there  is  popular  sentiment  in  support  of  this  form  of  thrift.  Four 
from  which  figures  were  secured  had  on  September  1,  1907, 
total  deposits  amounting  to  $2,179,624.  I  was  unable  to  secure 
definite  data  as  to  the  number  of  budget  families  having  bank  ac- 
counts, since  this  was  one  point  on  which  I  found  people  reticent. 
At  least  ten  of  those  whom  slack  work  threw  out  of  employment, 
drew  on  savings  funds.  The  amounts  spent  in  purchase  of  homes, 
which  were  discussed  in  a  previous  chapter,  are  of  course  another 
form  of  savings.  Thirteen  budget  families  owned  homes  and 
five  were  buying  them  under  mortgage. 

There  was  no  evidence,  however,  of  any  such  wide-spread 
provision  through  savings  for  old  age,  non-employment,  high 
school  education,  or  other  use,  as  there  was  for  sickness,  injury 
or  death.  For  all  these  latter  contingencies  provision  may  be 
made  through  insurance  policies  or  lodge  memberships;  such 
provision  for  the  future  is  deemed  a  necessity;  and  however  in- 
adequate in  amount,  it  is  practically  universal  in  all  grades  and 
groups.  But  however  strong  the  desire  for  money  savings  may 
be,  it  appears  that  with  only  a  small  margin  above  the  sum 
deemed  necessary  for  essentials,  most  families  in  the  lower  wage 
groups  must  face  a  choice  between  some  present  comforts  and 
7  97 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

enjoyments  and  the  peace  of  mind  which  a  bank  account  gives. 
Yet  in  Homestead,  as  elsewhere,  the  advantages  of  such  a  margin 
of  ready  money  are  only  too  apparent.  No  individual  family 
income  keeps  always  at  its  maximum ;  sick  benefits  do  not  equal 
wages;  cuts  in  rates  are  declared  without  warning,  and  occasionally 
comes  a  time  like  the  winter  of  1907-8  when  the  whole  town  has 
to  face  the  problems  that  arise  when  the  mills  are  running  only 
part  time.  Not  only  were  men  out  of  work,  but  lodgers  were 
unable  to  pay  their  rent.  Families  who  had  had  washing  done 
out  or  a  woman  come  in  to  clean  retrenched  by  doing  this  work 
themselves.  The  entire  town,  therefore,  was  affected  by  the  partial 
shutdown  of  its  one  industry. 

A  number  of  the  budget  families  suffered  from  this  tempo- 
rary decrease  of  income.  To  meet  it,  expenditures  in  many  house- 
holds were  cut  to  the  quick,  money  that  had  been  saved  was 
taken  from  the  bank,  and  food  was  purchased  on  credit.  In  one 
family,  for  instance,  two  accounts  were  kept;  one  when  the  man 
was  working  full  time,  the  other  when  his  pay  was  reduced  by  half. 
The  contrast  shows  that  the  reduction  fell  heavily  on  kitchen  ex- 
penses (which  means  an  increase  in  the  woman's  work),  on  recrea- 
tion, and  on  sundries. 


TABLE   28. — EXPENDITURES  OF  A   FAMILY   FOR  ONE   WEEK    IN    IQO7 
(NORMAL   TIMES)    AND    IN    I908    (TIME    OF    DEPRESSION) 


Year 

42  Hi 

3 

1 

1 

■5,3 
a: 

CO 

I 

S 

1 

8 

8 

■2 

1 

5= 

1 

s 
CO 

1907  (Man 

working 

full  time) 

$18.79  $5.19  $.82  $1.00 

$.17  $2 

$5.00 

$-53 

$.19 

$.67 

1.5. 

$1.30 

1908  (Man 

working 

half  time) 

10.63  3-85  .73  1. 00 

1      ! 

.01 

4.02 

.1 1 

.11 

•49 

•31 

One  woman  said,  "I  believe  in  cutting  things  according 
to  my  cloth.  What  we  can't  afford  to  pay  for  now,  we  won't 
have."     In  another  family  the  usual  income  of  $19  a  week  was 

98 


other  expenditures:   the  budget  as  a  whole 

temporarily  reduced  to  $9.10,  an  additional  $4.72  being  obtained 
on  credit.  This  $4.72  was  the  entire  amount  spent  for  food  for  a 
family  of  eleven.  During  this  period,  however,  they  expended 
weekly  $2.80  for  insurance,  $2.00  a  week  for  the  man's  spending 
money  and  carfare  (they  lived  in  a  suburb),  $2.75  for  rent,  $  .32 
for  tobacco,  $  .82  for  gas.  Aside  from  these  regular  weekly  items 
their  total  sundry  expenditure  for  the  month  consisted  of  coal  hod 
and  fender,  $1.10;  a  lantern,  $  .25;  candy,  $  .05;  a  child's  coat, 
$1.98;  a  pair  of  stockings,  $  .10;  matches,  soap,  blueing,  etc., 
$.65. 

Apart  from  economies  in  all  lines,  the  chief  dependence 
of  these  families  in  supplementing  the  man's  lessened  earnings 
was  credit.  Forty-six  families  were  depending  upon  it  for  either 
food  or  rent. 


TABLE  29. — BUDGET  FAMILIES  WHOSE  INCOME  INCLUDED  MONEY 
DRAWN  FROM  THE  BANK  OR  GOODS  SECURED  ON  CREDIT. — 
BY    EXPENDITURE    AND    RACIAL    GROUP 


Slav 

Eng.  S 

p.  Eur. 

Nat.  White 

Colored 

Income  Group 

Credit 

Bank 

Credit 

Bank 

Credit 

Bank 

Credit 

Bank 

Under  $12.00 

9 

2 

3 

3 

0 

5 

$12.00-$  1 4.99 

3 

0 

3 

3 

Jji15.00-fJ19.99 

3 

2 

1 

1 

3 

1 

3 

$20.00  and  over  . 

2 

2 

0 

0 

4 

2 

0 

Total      .       .       . 

'7 

6 

7 

I 

1 1 

3 

1 1 

The  conditions  of  town  life  probably  enabled  people  to  resort 
to  credit  more  than  would  have  been  the  case  in  a  larger  city. 
Since  the  entire  town  is  dependent  on  the  steel  industry,  the  men 
could  not  find  other  work  in  Homestead  and  were  unwilling  to 
take  the  uncertain  chance  of  obtaining  it  elsewhere  in  a  dull 
season.  There  was,  moreover,  the  recurring  probability  that  the 
mills  would  soon  resume  their  normal  output.  Nor  could  the 
women  find  employment.  On  the  other  hand,  both  landlords  and 
grocers  knew  their  customers  personally  and  therefore  granted 
credit  freely  to  the  trustworthy.     They  felt  that  the  confidence 

99 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

thus  created  would  help  their  trade  when  better  times  came. 
Grocers  particularly  taxed  their  credit  to  the  utmost,  saying 
that  they  would  trust  their  regular  customers  as  long  as  the 
wholesalers  would  trust  them. 

The  amounts  actually  purchased  in  this  way  make  one  realize 
how  appallingly  behindhand  wage-earning  families  get  during 
long-continued  hard  times.  For  example,  the  32  families  with 
an  income  of  less  than  $12  a  week  secured  an  average  credit  per 
family  of  $1.09  a  week  for  food;  those  with  $12  to  $14,  $1.45; 
those  with  $15  to  $19,  $  .87,  those  receiving  $20  and  over,  $  .78. 
The  native  whites  bought  an  average  of  only  f  .27  worth  on  credit, 
but  the  Slavs  bought  an  average  of  $1.57;  the  English-speaking 
Europeans,  $1.34;  the  colored,  fi.oi.  As  the  depression  lasted 
for  more  than  a  year,  months  would  have  to  elapse  before  the 
families  could  wipe  out  their  accumulated  indebtedness.  One 
woman  in  May,  1908,  told  me  that  she  already  had  a  bill  of  $75, 
with  prosperous  times  still  a  long  way  off. 

In  these  emergencies,  neighbors  quietly  helped  each  other; 
but  a  local  relief  committee  found  that  few  of  the  older  residents 
would  come  to  them  for  assistance,  however  unostentatiously  given. 

It  was  then  by  means  of  household  economies  and  by  going 
into  debt,  that  the  majority  of  families,  whose  men  were  wholly 
or  partly  out  of  work,  met  the  hard  times  which  came  to  Home- 
stead. But  we  must  recognize  that  these  economies  often  meant 
physical  hardship  and  that  the  accumulated  credit  was  to  be  a 
burden  which  it  would  take  months  to  wipe  out;  that  spent 
savings  put  off  for  a  long  time  the  buying  of  the  house  and  that 
children  perhaps  had  to  give  up  another  year  in  school. 

The  question  of  how  far  the  present  should  be  sacrificed  in 
order  to  guard  against  future  emergencies  is  raised  sharply  by 
such  a  period  of  hard  times.  That  savings  are  eaten  up  and 
families  thrust  into  debt  by  long  periods  of  slack  work  are  facts 
bound  up  in  the  general  problems  of  industrial  prosperity  and 
depression.*     But  that  after  fifteen  years  of  almost  steady  work, 

*  The  United  States  Steel  Corporation  stood  out  strongly  against  a  general 
reduction  in  wages  in  the  industry  during  the  depression.  In  January,  1908,  the 
Carnegie  Steel  Company,  however,  reduced  rates  in  most  of  the  skilled  depart- 
ments at  Homestead.  The  plate  mill  men,  for  example,  received  reductions  of 
from  3  to  22  per  cent. 

IOO 


other  expenditures:    the  budget  as  a  whole 

so  many  families,  especially  in  the  lower  earnings  group,  should 
be  so  unprepared  to  weather  the  hard  times,  raises  questions  both 
as  to  the  sufficiency  of  the  normal  wages  and  as  to  the  foresight 
of  the  wage-earners. 

What,  we  may  well  ask,  do  savings  cost  the  family  of  a  wage- 
earner  who  earns  less  than  $3.00  a  day  ?  Are  they  readily  possible 
without  discomfort  or  meagreness  of  living,  or  do  they  come  out 
of  a  food  supply  none  too  large  to  furnish  adequate  nourish- 
ment? Do  they  come  out  of  what  should  go  for  the  amusements 
essential  alike  to  mind  and  body  ? 

Only  an  exhaustive  study  of  great  numbers  of  budgets 
could  answer  these  questions  with  any  finality.  The  decision  in 
individual  cases  between  present  pleasures  and  provision  for  the 
future  seems  to  be  partly  due  to  experience  and  partly  to  tem- 
perament. One  woman  told  me  the  story  of  the  early  experiences 
of  hard  poverty  she  and  her  husband  had  endured  as  children. 
She  was  the  child  of  a  widow  employed  in  a  factory,  and  he  was 
one  of  a  big  family  on  a  farm  where  all  had  worked  early  and  late. 
And  now  though  he  is  on  tonnage  rates  they  save  nothing.  Aside 
from  her  husband's  heavy  insurance,  their  money  goes  for  present 
pleasures  and  comforts,  with  a  conscious  enjoyment  possible 
only  to  those  who  have  had  to  do  without.  With  no  children  to 
make  the  future  a  problem,  they  have  definitely  chosen  the  plea- 
sures of  the  passing  moment.  An  occasional  trip  to  the  theatre, 
plenty  of  good  clothes,  company  for  meals, — the  money  goes  fast 
enough.  In  marked  contrast  is  the  expenditure  of  an  American 
family  of  five  who  have  the  same  income.  Their  house  is  smaller, 
and  their  festivities  are  less  numerous;  besides  carrying  heavy 
insurance,  they  are  saving  to  buy  a  home,  and  at  the  same  time 
are  giving  the  daughter  music  lessons.  Their  average  weekly  ex- 
penditure was  as  follows:  Rent,  $2.54;  food,  $8.60;  clothing, 
$2.24;  furniture,!  .84;  household  expenses,  $  .19;  insurance,  $3.02; 
education,  $.65;  church,  $.28;  recreation,  $.23;  tobacco,  $.11; 
medicine,  $  .29;  sundries,  $  .43.  During  the  period  the  account 
was  kept,  their  savings  did  not  average  half  a  dollar  a  week. 

Interesting  as  they  are,  however,  such  individual  cases  offer 
little  more  than  a  glimpse  of  the  personal  equations  involved. 
The  average  expenditures  in  the  various  groups  are  more  repre- 

101 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

sentative  as  indications  and  enable  us  to  state  the  problem  with 
more  accuracy.  For  we  have  now  reached  a  point  where  we  can 
recapitulate  our  90  budgets,  and  see  more  clearly  what  they  indi- 
cate as  to  the  round  of  possible  expenditures  open  to  average 
households  run  at  each  of  the  expenditure  levels. 

In  the  lowest  expenditure  group  of  budget  families,  the 
average  weekly  outlay  was  $9.17,  and  the  averages  for  the  items 
were: 

Rent $1 .88  Insurance.       .       .       .$  .70 

Food 4- 1 6  Tobacco 07 

Fuel 38  Liquor 20 

Clothing 94  Medicine 10 

Furniture 09  Other  expenses        .        .     .50* 

Household  expenses       .     .15 

We  have  certain  standards  of  physical  necessities  by  which 
to  test  what  may  be  secured  for  given  amounts.  For  example, 
rent  at  $1.88  a  week  is  less  than  $8.00  a  month.  In  the  Slavic 
district  I  found  that  $8.00  was  the  cost  of  the  two-room  tene- 
ments without  improvements,  facing  on  courts.  Of  the  budget 
families  in  this  group  only  about  a  third  had  running  water  in  the 
house,  and  in  two-thirds  of  these  homes  there  were  two  or  more 
persons  to  the  room.  This  certainly  is  below  the  minimum  stand- 
ard of  comfort  or  health  even  for  a  laborer's  family. 

In  the  chapter  on  food  expenditures,  we  found  that  22 
cents  per  man  per  day  is  the  minimum  for  which  a  skilful  house- 
keeper can  provide  food  sufficient  to  maintain  physical  well- 
being.  Thirteen  out  of  32  families  in  this  group  were  actually 
spending  less  than  the  minimum  of  22  cents.  For  the  average 
family  in  the  group,  the  expenditure  of  $4. 16  a  week  furnished  just 
this  amount.  For  families  of  normal  size,  however, — father, 
mother  and  three  children  under  fourteen,— this  weekly  expen- 
diture would  allow  but  18  cents  per  man  per  day. 

These  average  allowances  for  food  and  shelter  are  inade- 
quate for  normal  standards.  They  include  no  excess  from  which 
the  sum  available  for  the  remaining  items  might  be  increased. 

*  See  Table  24,  p.  84.  For  expenditures  of  28  house-renting  families  in  this 
expenditure  group,  see  Table  10,  page  45.  The  situation  would  not  be  mate- 
rially altered  if  we  had  taken  the  average  expenditures  of  the  house  renters  as  a 
basis  for  our  discussion. 

102 


y 


On  the  Outskirts:  Munhall  Hollow  and  its  smoke-blighted  trees  in  June 


Photos  by  Ei 

In  the  Crowded  Section:  Three  families  share  the  house  and  seven  the  yard 
Where  Rents  are  Cheap 


other  expenditures:    the  budget  as  a  whole 

Yet  as  we  analyze  the  $3.1 1  a  week  remaining  after  food  and  rent 
have  been  secured,  we  find  it  obviously  inadequate  to  provide 
wholesome  living.  The  needs  of  the  future  are  recognized  in  an 
elemental  way  in  the  70  cents  a  week  for  insurance.  For  50  cents 
a  week,  as  we  have  seen,  the  man  could  through  fraternal  orders 
secure  a  death  benefit  of  $1 000  and  four  months'  sick  benefit  yearly, 
leaving  only  20  cents  a  week  toward  burial  insurance  for  his  wife 
and  children. 

According  to  the  estimate  made  by  Mr.  Chapin  in  New  York, 
$100  a  year  is  the  smallest  amount  that  will  supply  sufficient  cloth- 
ing for  a  family.  Here  clothing  expenditure  for  the  weeks  studied 
was  less  than  half  this  sum.  Yet  even  so,  there  would  remain  only 
1 1. 50  a  week  to  cover  all  family  expenditures  for  fuel,  furniture, 
recreation  and  liquor,  for  support  of  the  church,  for  newspapers 
and  magazines,  to  say  nothing  of  savings  for  sickness  or  hard  times. 
We  find  then  that  the  average  expenditure  of  this  lowest  group  of 
families,  $9.17,  could  not  supply  in  Homestead  a  "living"  for  a 
family  in  its  simplest  meanings.  The  objection  may  be  made  that 
as  many  of  these  families  were,  at  the  time  of  the  study,  living  on 
less  than  their  ordinary  wages,  these  figures  (though  they  are  to 
be  deplored  as  a  level  to  which  the  family  of  a  workman  may  be 
depressed  even  in  hard  times)  do  not  represent  household  condi- 
tions in  normal  years.  The  average  weekly  expenditure  for  these 
families,  however,  was  but  10  cents  a  day  less  than  the  pre- 
vailing wages  of  Homestead  laborers  in  1907-8, — $  .16^  an  hour 
for  a  ten-hour  day,  or  $9.90  for  a  six-day  week.*  Under  the  sec- 
tion on  Slavs  (page  140)  the  analysis  of  the  actual  expenditures  of 
a  group  of  laborers  getting  an  average  of  $10  per  week,  during 
the  period  studied,  offers  further  indications  that  these  earnings 
do  not  constitute  a  "living  wage"  for  a  family.  They  were  the 
nominal  earnings  of  the  great  bulk  of  unskilled  immigrants  employed 
in  the  mills  in  the  "good  times"  of  1907. 

In  the  next  expenditure  group  (ranging  from  $12  to  $14.99) 
the  average  expenditure  was  $13.32  (Table  24,  page  84).     Though 

*If  we  apply  the  same  percentages  for  the  different  items  to  this  total  of 
$9.90,  we  find  that  the  expenditures  for  food  would  be  $4.48  (or  19A  cents  per  day 
per  man),  for  rent  $2.03  (which  would  secure  a  two-room  tenement  without  im- 
provements) and  a  margin  for  other  items  of  $3.39  as  against  $3.12 — differences 
too  small  to  invalidate  the  conclusions  reached. 

IO3 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

the  problem  of  supplying  the  physical  necessities  may  be  less 
pressing,  we  find  no  adequate  margin  above  them  for  other  ex- 
penditures. The  $2.29  a  week  spent  for  rent  would  provide 
three  rooms,  but  without  sanitary  conveniences.  For  a  family 
of  five  this  is  very  close  quarters;  more  than  one-half  of  the  fam- 
ilies in  this  group  averaged  two  or  more  persons  to  the  room. 
Besides  the  danger  to  health,  especially  in  time  of  sickness,  such 
small  and  crowded  apartments  permit  no  opportunity  for  pri- 
vacy or  for  social  gatherings  in  the  home.  Food  at  an  average  of 
I5.86  a  week  for  the  family  of  five  persons  gives  an  expenditure 
of  24  cents  per  man  per  day.  This,  as  we  have  seen,  at  best 
allows  little  leeway  for  a  large  family  or  an  incompetent  housewife. 
In  fact,  four  of  the  families  in  this  group  spent  less  than  22  cents. 
A  margin  of  $5.17  is  thus  left  for  clothing,  furniture,  insurance, 
minor  household  expenses,  fuel,  liquor  and  sundries.  While  bud- 
gets covering  a  period  of  less  than  two  months  are  not  a  sound 
basis  for  any  conclusions  as  to  these  expenditures,  the  items  as  we 
find  them  are  at  least  indicative  of  the  ways  in  which  the  margin 
above  food  and  shelter  may  be  proportioned.  Clothing  at  $1 .57  a 
week,  on  Mr.  Chapin's  estimate,  would  still  not  provide  the  abso- 
lute essentials.  With  $10  a  year  one  could  buy  little  furniture, 
except  such  as  would  replace  linen,  carpets,  and  curtains,  and  an 
occasional  article  to  meet  the  needs  of  growing  families.  The  families 
studied  here  averaged  less  for  insurance  than  did  the  lower  expen- 
diture group,  with  its  preponderance  of  Slavs.  Similarly  the  other 
headings  show  no  easy  chance  for  economy  as  a  means  of  increasing 
the  amount  free  for  sundries;  yet  reference  to  the  account  of  the 
families  on  page  88  shows  that  the  $1.23  a  week  remaining  would 
be  eaten  up  so  quickly  by  small  necessities  that  little  would  be 
left  for  savings  or  recreation.  The  items  are  a  fair  indication  of 
what  it  is  possible  for  a  workingman  to  provide  for  his  family  out 
of  $2.25  a  day.  The  impression  to  be  gathered  from  a  review  of 
them  is  unmistakably  that  of  a  sub-normal  household. 

The  next  group  ($1 5-$  19.99),  which  had  an  average  expendi- 
ture of  1 1 7. 59  (corresponding  roughly  to  earnings  at  $3.00  a  day 
for  six  days  a  week),  shows  a  marked  increase  in  these  household 
items.  Rent  at  $2.73  would  provide  a  small  detached  four-room 
house.     But  it  falls  far  short  of  the  sum  which  we  estimated  would 

104 


other  expenditures:    the  budget  as  a  whole 

secure  sanitary  conveniences  and  a  sufficient  number  of  rooms  to 
insure  privacy  and  the  development  of  the  home.  Nine  out  of  the 
23  families  in  this  group  were  still  without  running  water,  and  nine 
of  the  families  had  two  or  more  persons  per  room.  The  rise  in  ex- 
penditure for  food  to  $7.1 1  a  week,  or  31  cents  per  man  per  day, 
gives  a  fair  margin,  though  three  families,  in  two  of  which  there 
were  seven  children  each,  dropped  again  below  the  22  cent 
limit.  Here  a  balance  of  $7.75  is  available  for  the  rest  of  the 
budget.  The  expense  for  clothing  is  slightly  above  the  cost 
Mr.  Chapin  estimates  as  essential,  and  that  for  furniture  about 
doubles  the  $10  per  year  of  the  previous  group.  Insurance 
is  also  increased  to  the  point  where  it  would  secure  the  modest 
provision  noted  on  page  96,  though  it  still  fails  to  provide  at  all 
reasonably  against  the  lost  income  due  to  the  breadwinner's 
death.  The  gain  in  sundries,  which  have  risen  to  $1.83  a  week, 
marks  our  first  noteworthy  leeway  in  expenditure;  it  is  still  too 
small,  as  we  have  seen,  to  enable  the  average  family  to  lay  by  any 
appreciable  savings  and  at  the  same  time  permit  itself  recreations 
essential  alike  to  mind  and  body. 

The  group  spending  over  $20  a  week  had  an  average  expen- 
diture of  $25.56  a  week,  or  above  $4.00  a  day.  Rent  at  $3.73  a 
week  or  $16  a  month  provides  a  detached  four-room  house  without 
a  bathroom.  A  house  with  a  bathroom  can  hardly  be  rented  for 
less  than  $20  or  $22  a  month.  Food  at  $  .37  per  man  per  day 
is  plainly  ample  to  supply  necessities,  and  yet  one  or  two  accounts 
where  this  amount  was  spent  showed  no  actual  extravagances,  if 
measured  by  our  American  standards.  The  expenditure  for 
clothing  for  this  period  is  the  equivalent  of  $175  a  year,  for  furni- 
ture $42.  The  amount  for  sundries,  $4.09,  is  more  than  double 
what  the  previous  group  had  to  spend  for  these  items. 

We  find,  that  is,  so  far  as  this  group  of  90  family  budgets 
can  show  us  and  at  the  range  of  prices  current  in  Homestead, 
that  only  when  earnings  are  $15  a  week,  or  more,  can  we  con- 
fidently look  for  a  reasonable  margin  above  the  requisite  expen- 
ditures for  necessities.  It  is  only  in  the  group  spending  more 
than  $20  that  we  find  that  the  average  family  has  reached  a  point 
where,  without  being  spendthrift  of  the  future  and  without  undue 
pinching  in  other  directions,  they  can  spend  enough  to  satisfy 

105 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

what  we  should  recognize  as  the  reasonable  ambitions  of  an 
American  who  puts  his  life  into  his  work.  The  household  problem 
for  the  great  number  of  English-speaking  workmen  in  Homestead 
whose  earnings  fall  between  these  two  figures,  is  that  of  propor- 
tioning earnings  so  that,  with  the  children  fed  and  housed  in  such 
a  fashion  as  to  maintain  physical  well-being,  the  wife  may  gain 
some  leisure  from  household  cares,  they  may  all  have  some  share 
in  the  pleasures  and  responsibilities  of  the  community,  and  may 
make  such  provision  for  future  emergencies  as  their  own  experience 
and  that  of  their  neighbors  show  to  be  essential.  Failure  to 
attain  the  ideal  should  not  be  considered  prima  facie  evidence 
of  the  unfitness  of  the  family  to  meet  its  problems. 

For  Homestead  has  its  ideals, — ideals  of  a  genuine  home 
life  for  the  family,  if  possible  in  a  home  of  its  own,  where  there 
shall  be  sufficient  leisure  and  attractive  enough  surroundings  to 
make  it  the  center  for  happy  lives;  ideals  of  such  security  as  in 
time  of  sickness  or  misfortune  shall  enable  the  home  to  care  for 
its  own.  With  the  wages  offered  by  the  industry  many  of  the 
workers  can  attain  these  ideals,  if  at  all,  only  by  unremitting  work 
and  inexorable  compromises.  We  find  housekeepers  facing  cheer- 
fully the  problem  of  providing  wholesome  and  attractive  food,  that 
shall  at  the  same  time  be  economical,  three  times  a  day;  giving  up 
even  five-cent  treats  at  the  nickelodeon  to  save  for  a  house.  We 
find  them  failing  often,  failing  through  ignorance  or  indifference, 
but  also  succeeding  against  heavy  odds.  To  the  onlooker  it  is  a 
brave  fight,  the  braver  that  it  is  so  full  of  deadly  monotony,  a 
fight  the  weapons  of  which  are  pots  and  pans  and  bargain  sales. 
In  its  outcome,  however,  is  bound  up  the  happiness  and  efficiency 
of  the  next  generation. 


1 06 


CHAPTER  VII 
OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

THERE  are  other  and  more  subtle  factors  in  living  together 
than  rooms  or  meals.  The  place  in  the  budget  of  the 
home,  amusements,  church  going,  and  lodge  insurance 
were  discussed  in  the  last  chapter.  They  are  also  significant  as 
expressions  of  human  relationships,  and  in  their  activity  and  or- 
ganized forms  reveal  the  character  of  the  people  as  no  account- 
book  footings  can  reveal  it.  The  relations  of  parents  to  each 
other,  to  their  neighbors,  and  to  their  children,  affect  the  develop- 
ment of  household  life  among  the  people. 

Yet  even  these  relations  are  in  a  measure  determined  by 
outside  forces.  Industrial  conditions,  for  example,  determine  the 
type  of  family  life.  In  the  families  here,  the  women  almost 
never  go  out  to  work — a  marked  contrast  to  cotton  mill  towns, 
for  instance,  where  wives  and  daughters  seek  employment  almost 
as  a  matter  of  course.  This  dependence  on  the  men's  wages  is 
due  not  primarily  to  any  theory  as  to  woman's  sphere,  but  to  the 
simple  fact  that  the  one  industry  cannot  use  the  work  of  women 
and  children.  Moreover,  in  this  town  where  there  are  no  marked 
differences  in  financial  status  and  by  far  the  larger  number  of 
housewives  do  all  their  own  work,  there  is  not  much  opportunity 
to  obtain  any  form  of  domestic  service  by  the  day.  Women 
apparently  think  it  wiser  to  save  money  by  good  housekeeping 
than  to  earn  a  little  more  and  neglect  the  home.  This  feeling, 
combined  with  the  difficulty  in  securing  work,  has  developed 
the  type  of  family  in  which  the  man's  wages  constitute  almost  the 
entire  income. 

Among  the  English-speaking  and  native  white  budget  fami- 
lies *  only  two  women  went  out  to  do  day's  work.    There  were  four 

*  Appendix  I,  Table  3,  p.  201. 
107 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

of  these  families  who  took  lodgers,  but  since  the  women  were 
either  widows  who  had  no  other  means  of  income,  or  women  who 
had  no  children,  the  presence  of  lodgers  interfered  very  little  with 
the  household  life.  As  these  families  averaged  only  1.2  persons 
to  a  room  their  homes  were  not  seriously  overcrowded.  For  the 
most  part  the  women,  relieved  from  the  task  of  increasing  the 
income,  use  their  time  and  interest  to  good  purpose  in  developing 
in  their  households  a  distinctive  quality  of  homelikeness. 

The  men  are  inclined  to  trust  all  financial  matters  to  their 
wives.  It  is  the  custom  in  Homestead  for  the  workman  to  turn 
over  his  wages  to  his  wife  on  pay  day  and  to  ask  no  questions  as 
to  what  it  goes  for.  He  reserves  a  share  for  spending  money; 
otherwise  his  part  of  the  family  problem  is  to  earn  and  hers  to 
spend.  When  the  man  was  at  home  and  I  suggested  to  him  that 
they  keep  accounts  for  this  investigation  he  usually  referred  the 
matter  genially  to  the  wife,  saying,  "Oh,  she's  the  one  that  knows 
where  the  money  goes.     If  she  wants  to  help  you  out  she  can." 

Though  the  men  show  in  general  a  frank  appreciation  of 
home  comforts,  they  do  not  always  realize  all  the  work  behind 
them.  One  wife  said,  "The  only  time  'the  mister'  notices  any- 
thing about  the  house  is  when  I  wash  the  curtains."  But  many 
chance  remarks  showed  that  the  women  realize  the  importance  of 
keeping  the  home  attractive.  One  woman  compared  her  husband, 
who  stayed  at  home  evenings  unless  they  went  to  "the  show" 
together,  with  the  man  next  door  who  was  always  going  off  to 
Pittsburgh  "on  a  lark."  Her  explanation  of  the  difference  was 
simply,  "  I  always  put  on  a  clean  dress  and  do  my  hair  before  he 
comes  home,  and  have  the  kitchen  tidy  so  he  will  enjoy  staying. 
But  she  never  tidies  up  a  bit."  Her  kitchen  was  spotless,  with  a 
bright  geranium  in  the  window;  that  of  her  neighbor  was  hot  and 
mussy  and  the  children  were  noisy.  No  wonder  the  husband 
did  not  care  to  stay  at  home;  but  in  a  small  house  with  washing 
and  cooking  to  do,  with  babies  to  look  out  for,  it  is  often  hard  for 
the  housekeeper  to  have  time  or  energy,  after  the  children  are 
home  from  school  and  the  dinner  cooked,  to  stop  and  make  herself 
presentable.  That  so  many  women  do  this  is  a  proof  of  their 
energy  and  genuine  ability. 

Supper  time  in  Homestead  will  always  be  associated  in  my 
108 


OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

mind  with  one  family  whom  I  knew.  When  the  men  began  to 
come  from  the  mill  in  the  evening  the  mother  with  a  fresh 
apron  on  and  the  two  children  in  clean  dresses  came  out  on 
the  front  porch.  The  children  sat  on  the  lowest  step  until  the 
father  was  in  sight,  and  long  before  I  could  recognize  him  were 
off  down  the  street,  the  older  one  to  carry  his  bucket,  the  little  one 
to  take  possession  of  his  hand.  After  supper  he  smoked  con- 
tentedly with  a  child  on  each  knee  and  talked  with  his  wife  of 
the  day's  doings.  That  hour  of  rest  was  bought  at  the  price  of 
a  busy  day  for  her;  she  swept  off  porch  and  walk,  she  washed 
almost  daily  to  keep  the  dresses  clean,  she  had  dinner  all  cooked 
before  he  came.  A  woman  must  be  a  good  manager  and  have  the 
courage  to  appear  cheerful  when  tired,  if  she  is  to  make  the  even- 
ing at  home  happy. 

The  thoughtful  women  are  especially  conscious  that  part 
of  the  responsibility  for  keeping  the  men  away  from  the  saloons 
belongs  to  them.  The  heat  and  thirst  due  to  mill  work,  combined 
with  the  lack  of  other  amusements,  make  the  brightness  and 
festivity  of  bar-rooms  very  appealing,  and  intemperance  is  conse- 
quently a  serious  evil  in  the  town.  The  wives  feel  that  they  must 
help  to  overcome  this  temptation.  One  woman  told  me  that  she 
had  been  brought  up  to  consider  it  wrong  to  play  cards.  She 
feared,  however,  that  if  she  refused  to  have  them  in  the  house, 
her  husband  who  was  fond  of  playing  would  be  tempted  to  go  to 
the  back  rooms  of  the  saloons  for  his  entertainment.  So,  putting 
aside  her  scruples,  she  planned  informal  gatherings  to  play  in 
the  evenings.  To  her  the  drink  evil  was  the  more  serious.  There 
are  many,  however,  to  whom  these  real  homes  are  not  possible. 
There  rises  to  my  mind,  in  contrast,  a  two-room  tenement  down 
in  the  grimy  corner  where  the  mill  joins  the  town.  Here  a  woman 
was  trying  to  support  four  little  children  by  sewing  and  washing. 
Her  husband  had  died  after  eight  years  of  semi-invalidism  resulting 
from  an  accident  in  the  mill.  With  his  small  wages  they  had  not 
been  able  to  save,  and  as  the  injury  had  occurred  so  long  ago  she 
was  not  eligible  for  a  benefit  from  the  Carnegie  Relief  Fund.  The 
kitchen  was  small  and  hot  and  the  younger  children  noisy,  and 
the  not  unnatural  consequence  was  that  the  oldest  girl  drifted  to 
the  streets,  mixed  with  a  gay  crowd,  and  eventually  became  a 

109 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

charge  of  the  Juvenile  Court.  The  girl  was  not  bad  at  heart,  and 
had  there  been  a  cheerful  home  where  her  friends  could  come,  the 
end  might  have  been  different. 

That  home  life  has  a  strong  hold  and  is  a  social  force  in 
keeping  pure  what  we  call  the  moral  life  of  the  town,  is  shown 
by  the  infrequency  of  immorality  among  these  English-speaking 
families.  There  are  instances,  to  be  sure,  of  unfaithfulness  among 
married  people,  and  there  are  those  who  love  to  retail  these  bits 
of  gossip.  But  even  the  way  in  which  they  are  told  reveals  how 
strongly  the  general  sentiment  of  the  town  condemns  such  moral 
laxity.  It  is  very  rare  to  hear  of  girls  going  wrong.  These 
townspeople  watch  their  daughters  jealously,  and  make  every 
effort  to  have  the  home  the  center  of  life  so  that  the  dangers  almost 
inevitably  attendant  on  public  dances  and  skating  rinks  may 
not  touch  the  girls  of  the  family.  I  found  it  part  of  many  a 
mother's  problem  to  create  such  a  household  atmosphere  that 
the  children  should  find  their  happiness  in  the  home  rather  than 
seek  it  in  the  doubtful  amusements  the  town  offers.  They  planned, 
for  instance,  to  give  the  children  music  lessons  so  that  in  the  even- 
ing they  might  enjoy  such  gayeties  together.  In  one  or  two  homes 
the  children  had  learned  to  play  on  different  instruments  and  had 
an  embryo  orchestra.  These  quiet  family  gatherings  are  ap- 
parently the  source  of  much  pleasure. 

However  amusing  to  the  chance  reader  a  small  local  paper 
may  be,  it  furnishes  some  pretty  reliable  data  as  to  the  happenings 
in  a  town.  The  columns  of  the  Homestead  papers  describe  a 
round  of  birthday  festivities  and  surprise  parties  for  grown-ups  as 
well  as  children,  and  we  are  assured  each  time  that  "the  evening 
was  a  most  enjoyable  one."  Music  and  refreshments,  cards  and 
other  games  furnish  the  usual  entertainment. 

Where  the  mother  is  tactful  and  wise,  the  lack  of  amusement 
outside  the  home  may  have  no  serious  results.  But  all  women  are 
not  geniuses  in  making  their  homes  happy;  some  make  the  effort 
and  fail,  others  never  try,  with  disastrous  results.  And  unfor- 
tunately, when  this  attraction  fails,  as  often  happens  when  the 
mother  does  not  welcome  the  surprise  party  or  when  the  father 
resents  having  the  children  noisy  in  the  evening,  there  is  little  in 
the  community  to  take  its  place.     Practically  the  only  public 

I  10 


OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

amusements  in  Homestead,  during  my  stay  there,  were  the 
nickelodeons  and  skating  rinks.  Six  of  the  former,  all  but 
one  on  Eighth  Avenue,  sent  out  their  penetrating  music  all  the 
evening  and  most  of  the  afternoon.  There  was  one  ten-cent 
vaudeville  house,  but  the  others  charge  five  cents  for  a  show 
consisting  of  songs,  moving  pictures,  etc.,  which  lasts  fifteen 
minutes  or  so. 

The  part  these  shows  play  in  the  life  of  the  community  is 
really  surprising.  Not  only  were  no  other  theatrical  performances 
given  in  Homestead,  but  even  those  in  Pittsburgh,  because  of  the 
time  and  expense  involved  in  getting  there,  were  often  out  of  the 
reach  of  workingmen  and  their  families.  The  writer,  when  living 
in  Homestead,  found  few  things  in  Pittsburgh  worth  the  long 
trolley  ride,  forty-five  minutes  each  way.  Many  people,  therefore, 
find  in  the  nickelodeons  their  only  relaxation.  Men  on  their  way 
home  from  work  stop  for  a  few  minutes  to  see  something  of  life 
outside  the  alternation  of  mill  and  home;  the  shopper  rests  while 
she  enjoys  the  music,  poor  though  it  be,  and  the  children  are  always 
begging  for  five  cents  to  go  to  the  nickelodeon.  In  the  evening 
the  family  often  go  together  for  a  little  treat.  On  a  Saturday 
afternoon  visit  to  a  nickelodeon,  which  advertised  that  it  admitted 
two  children  on  one  ticket,  I  was  surprised  to  find  a  large  propor- 
tion of  men  in  the  audience.  In  many  ways  this  form  of  amuse- 
ment is  desirable.  What  it  ordinarily  offers  does  not  educate  but 
does  give  pleasure.  While  occasionally  serious  subjects  are  repre- 
sented, as  for  example  pictures  of  the  life  of  Christ  given  in  Easter 
week,  the  performance  usually  consists  of  song  and  dance  and 
moving  pictures,  all  of  a  mediocre  type.  Still,  for  five  cents  the 
nickelodeon  offers  fifteen  minutes'  relaxation,  and  a  glimpse  of 
other  sides  of  life,  making  the  same  appeal,  after  all,  that  theatre 
and  novel  do.  As  the  nickelodeon  seems  to  have  met  a  real  need 
in  the  mill  towns,  one  must  wish  that  it  might  offer  them  a  better 
quality  of  entertainment.*     Many  who  go  because  they  can  afford 

*  In  New  York  City  a  board  of  censorship  passes  upon  the  films,  and  this  has 
eliminated  any  tendency  to  bid  for  trade  by  showing  degrading  subjects.  In  the 
absence  of  such  a  censorship,  the  probation  officers  of  the  Allegheny  County  Juve- 
nile Court  have  protested  against  pictures  exhibited  in  some  of  the  nickelodeons  in 
Pittsburgh  and  neighboring  towns.  Without  supervision  some  of  them  become  ill 
favored  resorts. 

Ill 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

nothing  expensive  would  appreciate  something  better,  even  at  a 
slightly  higher  price. 

The  other  popular  amusement  was  the  skating  rink,  of  which 
there  were  three  or  four  in  Homestead.*  "A  marriage  on  skates" 
(apparently  a  bona-fide  one,  announced  for  ten  days),  masked 
balls,  races,  moonlight  skating  parties,  all  cleverly  advertised,  at- 
tracted the  young  people.  While  the  two  large  rinks  were  fairly  well 
conducted,  some  of  the  smaller  ones  were  attended  by  a  rough 
crowd.  To  a  certain  extent  the  danger  felt  in  regard  to  public 
dances,  bringing  together  young  people  some  of  whom  were  of 
doubtful  character,  applied  also  to  the  rink,  and  mothers  often 
refused  to  allow  their  daughters  to  go,  unless  it  was  with  "our 
own  crowd." 

But  some  diversion  young  people  must  have,  nor  are  their 
elders  exempt  from  this  need.f  Surely  with  none  is  the  necessity 
for  stimulus  and  variety  of  interest  greater  than  with  the  men 
who  turn  daily  from  twelve  hours  in  the  din  of  the  huge  mills 
to  home,  supper,  a  smoke  and  bed. 

1  have  already  noted  that  in  this  community  of  25,000  there 
are  over  50  saloons  and  other  drinking  places,  ranging  from 
"speak-easies"  to  the  conventional  bar-rooms  with  plate  glass 
and  bright  lights.  It  was  no  part  of  my  study  to  investigate  the 
ownership  or  police  surveillance  of  these  establishments,  the  profits 
gathered  in  on  pay  nights,  or  the  intoxication  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  courts  prove  so  ineffectual  in  controlling.  As  places  of 
relaxation,  they  fill  a  need  not  otherwise  supplied.  The  Carnegie 
Library  has  a  gymnasium  and  clubs,  but,  except  for  the  saloons 
and  the  club  rooms  of  one  or  two  fraternal  orders,  there  are  no  free 
and  easy  lounging  places  for  refreshment  and  friendly  intercourse. 
The  Slavs  bring  much  of  the  liquor  they  buy  home  and  drink  it 
sociably  there,  many  of  them  being  heavy  drinkers.  The  budgets 
gave  no  basis  for  a  conclusion  that  English-speaking  Homestead 
men  are  hard  drinkers.     My  inquiries  naturally  lay  among  men 

♦During  the  hard  times  of  1908  these  were  closed  and  have  not  been 
reopened. 

fThe  Public  Recreation  Centers  of  Chicago,  with  their  dance  halls  and 
club  rooms,  to  which  all  ages  resort,  in  which  the  young  people  are  safeguarded 
in  ways  which  do  not  dampen  the  ardor  of  their  good  times,  suggest  the  sort  of 
non-commercial  pleasure  places  which  the  mill  towns  need. 

112 


OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

with  families  rather  than  among  the  unattached  ones,  who  are 
the  constant  tipplers  in  all  towns.  In  the  homes  on  the  hill 
streets  I  heard  almost  no  complaints  that  men  were  drunkards, 
though  many  men  undoubtedly,  in  good  times,  spent  money  that 
way  that  was  needed  for  the  household  budget.  An  old  resident 
said  that  among  the  older  stock  he  could  name  perhaps  a  half 
dozen  men  known  as  drunkards  in  the  town.  With  hot  work  to 
whet  thirst,  and  with  the  natural  rebellion  of  human  nature  against 
the  tension  of  long  hours,  the  liquor  interests  have  exploited 
the  needs  of  the  adults  for  recreation  and  refreshment.  It  is 
true  that  they  have  not  really  met  that  need,  and  have  exploited 
the  opportunities  they  offer;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  the  need 
is  met  in  no  other  way. 

Outside  of  home  festivities  and  the  meagre  or  commercialized 
public  provisions,  the  chief  dependence  for  sociability  is  on  the 
lodges,  churches  and  other  voluntary  organizations. 

In  Homestead,  as  in  other  working  communities,  we  find 
benefit  organizations  playing  a  prominent  part.  In  one  day's 
paper,  50  meetings  of  fraternal  orders  were  scheduled  for  one  week. 
Facts  were  secured  concerning  23  out  of  a  total  of  perhaps  half  a 
hundred  lodges.  The  23  had  a  membership  in  1907  of  3663;  of 
these  3400  were  men.  Almost  all  the  organizations  include  both 
social  and  benefit  features.  The  Order  of  Elks,  which  has  no  reg- 
ular benefits  and  is  a  purely  social  organization,  nevertheless  gives 
generous  assistance  to  members  in  distress.  On  the  other  hand 
the  fraternal  insurance  orders,  such  as  the  Protected  Home  Circle 
and  the  Royal  Arcanum,  are  important,  not  only  because  they  help 
provide  for  the  future,  but  because  they  provoke  social  intercourse 
in  ways  which  help  make  this  form  of  insurance  popular. 

The  lodges  seek  to  arouse  the  sense  of  fraternity  and  common 
interest  which  otherwise  finds  little  stimulus  in  the  town.  The 
following  paragraphs  from  the  prospectus  of  the  Modern  Wood- 
men reveal  this  purpose: 

While  the  beneficial  (or  insurance)  department  of  the 
Modern  Woodmen  Society  is  admirable — is,  indeed,  as  over 
$1,200,000,000  of  insurance  in  force  proves,  of  vital  im- 
portance to  the  man  of  family — yet  Woodcraft's  fraternal 
feature  is  in  reality  the  basal  stone  of  the  Society's  existence. 
8  113 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

The  world  needs  more  genuine  fraternity.  There  is  a 
power  of  comfort  in  brotherly  sympathy  extended  in  time  of 
distress.  The  kindly  visit  and  solicitude  of  a  Neighbor  for 
one  lying  on  a  bed  of  sickness  is  appreciated.  The  aid 
freely  extended  to  our  families  when  we  are  so  unfortunate 
as  not  to  be  able  to  help  them  ourselves  is  truly  fraternal — 
Christ-like.  None  of  us  are  so  strong  or  so  fortunately  situ- 
ated that  there  may  not  come  a  dark  hour,  when  we  will 
require  assistance  and  sympathy.  It  is  comforting  to  know 
that  in  such  an  hour  we  need  not  appeal  for  Charity,  but 
we  may  command  the  kindly  ministrations  of  our  fraternal 
brothers — our  "Neighbors"  of  the  Modern  Woodmen  of 
America.  They  solemnly  obligate  themselves  to  extend 
such  aid  and  you  will  receive  it  if  you  stand  in  need. 

But  in  addition  to  this  general  sense  of  brotherliness,  the 
lodges  supply  some  of  the  good  fun  which  Homestead  craves.  Be- 
sides the  regular  meetings,  they  have  summer  outings  at  Kenny- 
wood  Park  and  elsewhere,  dances  and  card  parties  in  the  winter, 
whereby  they  raise  money  for  some  charitable  purpose,  for  the 
lodge  expenses  or,  as  a  special  benefit,  for  some  member  who  is  in 
peculiar  distress.  These  ends  do  not  lessen  the  real  enjoyment 
in  the  festivity  itself,  though  they  form,  of  course,  an  extra  tax. 
Even  the  business  meetings  are  a  source  of  pleasure,  and  help  de- 
velop a  spirit  of  neighborliness. 

To  the  women  especially,  whose  duties  keep  them  at  home, 
the  lodge  offers  almost  their  only  chance  to  meet  other  people 
and  get  for  a  few  minutes  into  a  different  atmosphere  from  that  of 
household  tasks.  Some  housekeepers  are  firmly  opposed  to  lodges 
on  the  ground  that  as  they  take  time  they  must  result  in  neglect 
of  the  home.  This  was  also  the  opinion  of  a  man  whose  wife 
had  announced  that  she  could  see  no  objection  to  woman  suf- 
frage, since  women  could  learn  how  to  vote  by  going  to  meetings. 
"Well,"  he  retorted  feelingly,  "if  you  went  to  any  more  I  don't 
know  when  I  should  get  anything  to  eat."  Another  woman  who 
belonged  to  four  lodges  and  attended  on  an  average  two 
meetings  every  week  considered  them  the  pleasantest  part  of  life, 
while  her  attractive  home  indicated  that  they  did  not  inter- 
fere with  her  household  duties.  On  the  whole,  the  lodge  meetings 
afford  a  genuine  pleasure  while  they  make  no  serious  break  in  the 

114 


OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

routine  of  household  tasks.  Those  fraternal  insurance  orders  which 
include  in  their  membership  both  men  and  women  serve  also  as  a 
center  of  common  family  interest. 

The  meetings,  however,  are  probably  of  most  value  to  the 
men,  since  Homestead  has  comparatively  few  other  organizations 
to  bring  men  together.  There  are  no  unions  to  give  a  sense  of 
common  interest,  and  the  political  organizations  are  largely  domi- 
nated by  a  few  gangs.  The  lodges  form  really  the  only  clubs. 
The  most  successful  one  in  the  town  is  the  Odd  Fellows  with  a 
membership  of  about  one  thousand,  mostly  steel  workers,  and  a 
building  of  its  own.  It  is  probably  the  most  influential  organ- 
ization in  Homestead.  As  the  dues  are  not  large  and  the  sick 
benefits  are  comparatively  generous,  many  can  afford  to  join. 

The  associations  not  only  arouse  fraternal  interest  in  fellow 
members,  but  also  offer  at  times  the  means  of  expressing  sympathy 
with  those  outside  their  membership.  During  1908,  for  example, 
many  of  the  orders  gave  entertainments,  to  raise  money  either  for 
the  hospital  which  was  being  built  in  Homestead  or  for  the  com- 
mittee which  cared  for  those  in  need  during  the  industrial  depres- 
sion. As  I  went  into  one  woman's  kitchen  one  day,  she  showed 
me  a  half  bushel  basket  full  of  fine,  large  potatoes  scrubbed  clean 
and  ready  for  baking,  which  she  told  me  with  a  good  deal  of  pride 
and  evident  pleasure  were  her  share  in  a  supper  her  lodge  was  giving 
for  the  benefit  of  the  hospital.  "My  husband,"  she  explained, 
"isn't  in  a  dangerous  place  in  the  mill,  but  I  am  glad  to  help  even 
if  most  of  the  injured  are  Hunkies."  Again,  in  December  of  1907, 
within  forty-eight  hours  after  the  mine  explosion  at  Monongah, 
West  Virginia,  one  Homestead  lodge  had  voted  a  contribution 
for  those  left  destitute.  This  ready  sympathy  for  suffering  and 
desire  to  help  often  find  their  only  expression  through  the  joint 
effort  of  these  societies. 

Social  needs  are  further  met  by  the  churches,  which  in  Home- 
stead, as  is  usual  in  a  town,  play  a  more  important  role  in  the  com- 
munity than  they  do  in  a  large  city.  While  church  affairs  and 
suppers  may  not  be  the  best  ways  to  raise  money,  they  offer  good 
times.  "Ten  cent  socials,"  for  instance,  provide  a  jolly  evening 
for  the  young  folks;  chicken  and  waffle  suppers,  advertised  often 
during  the  winter,  proved  to  be  pleasant,  homelike  affairs. 

i'5 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

The  churches  also  provide  a  real  though  limited  intellectual 
stimulus.  One  has  a  large  men's  club  at  whose  meetings  speakers 
talk  on  subjects  of  current  interest.  In  another  church  a  club 
of  young  men  and  women  has  regular  debates  on  sociological 
subjects.  The  church  in  such  ways  becomes  a  center  for  broad- 
ening the  life  of  its  members  by  other  than  purely  spiritual 
interests. 

The  mill-town  lodges  and  churches,  though  each  must  work 
out  its  own  salvation,  are  more  or  less  closely  affiliated  with 
larger  organizations.  It  is  interesting  to  see  what  purely  local 
societies  the  town  has  developed.  There  are  the  usual  number 
of  women's  clubs,  with  various  objects,  from  embroidery  to 
civics.  The  most  prominent  and  enterprising  is  the  Homestead 
Woman's  Club,  of  whose  work  in  conducting  a  playground  and 
attempting  to  secure  a  kindergarten  I  shall  speak  later.  These 
women's  clubs  which  have  formed  a  union,  with  a  joint  meeting 
yearly,  are  centers  of  interest  in  the  lives  of  their  members. 
The  members  are,  however,  largely  wives  of  business  and  profes- 
sional men  or  of  those  in  responsible  positions  in  the  mill.* 

The  young  men  have  formed  numerous  athletic  clubs,  some 
informal,  some  with  professional  teams.  During  the  winter, 
basket  ball  games,  both  professional  and  amateur,  are  very 
popular.  "The  3rd  Ave.  team  plays  the  5th  Ave.  team"  and 
similar  notices  in  the  Homestead  papers  show  that  local  rivalry 
and  athletic  zeal  go  hand  in  hand.  The  Homestead  "Americans" 
have  won  championship  matches  all  over  the  Eastern  states. 
The  players  are,  of  course,  usually  young  men.  The  older  men 
and  those  whose  work  is  hard  prefer  watching.  Women  when 
questioned  as  to  the  man's  spending  money  often  said,  "Well, 
he  goes  to  a  basket  ball  game  most  every  Saturday  and  that's 
thirty-five  cents."  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  say  that  in  summer 
baseball  is  to  the  front.  There  are  the  usual  matches  between  local 
teams,  and  a  "Business  Men's  League"  conducts  a  series  of  games 
at  Homestead  Park  after  business  hours.  The  standing  of  the 
various  teams,  which  include  doctors,  grocers,  steel  workers,  etc., 
arouses  a  good  deal  of  interest.  The  boys,  of  course,  have  innu- 
merable small  clubs,  and  not  infrequently  on  warm  spring  days 

*See  Appendix  XIII,  p.  264 ff.,  for  a  list  of  the  clubs  and  their  objects. 
Il6 


Orchestra;  Carnegie  Library 


Band  Stand 
Open  air  concerts  are  given  here  in  the  summer  by  the  Carnegie  Library  Band 


OF    HUMAN    RELATIONSHIPS 

passers-by  are  called  upon  to  buy  undrinkable  lemonade  to  help 
supply  the  uniforms. 

While  the  clubs  connected  with  the  Carnegie  Library  are  not, 
in  a  sense,  of  spontaneous  growth,  they  may  nevertheless  be 
referred  to  here,  since  their  particular  form  is  largely  a  matter 
of  popular  demand.  The  library,  it  should  be  said  in  passing, 
touches  the  town's  life  at  several  points,  and  I  have  several  times 
had  occasion  to  refer  to  it.  To  give  a  more  complete  picture  of 
its  activities,  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  librarian  in  charge,  his 
annual  report  is  published  in  Appendix  XIII.  There  is  an  excel- 
lent gymnasium  open  to  all  on  payment  of  $2.00  a  year.  This 
includes  gymnasium,  swimming  pool,  bowling  alleys,  fencing,  etc., 
with  good  instruction.  It  was  very  popular  with  the  young  men. 
Men  engaged  in  either  clerical  or  professional  work  were  found 
more  often  than  those  doing  manual  labor  in  the  mill.  Many  of 
the  latter  (as  seems  natural  to  any  one  who  has  visited  the  mills) 
say  they  are  too  tired  after  their  hours  of  heavy  work.  Conse- 
quently, they  miss  entirely  the  all-round  development  of  gymna- 
sium work  and  the  mutual  stimulus  and  refreshment  of  playing 
games  together.  For  the  boys,  the  "gym"  offers  both  fun  and 
good  training. 

The  library  also  has  had  a  series  of  paid  entertainments, 
conducted  by  a  lecture  bureau  which  offers  illustrated  lectures, 
monologues,  humorous  readings,  etc.,  at  a  low  price.  These  were 
held  in  the  auditorium  of  the  library,  but  were  only  fairly  well 
attended  and  later  were  abandoned.  In  addition  the  club  has 
good  musical  classes,  a  band,  an  orchestra  and  chorus,  each  of 
which  gives  at  least  one  free  concert  a  year.  The  boys  play  well 
and  this  work  undoubtedly  helps  to  raise  the  standard  of  music 
in  the  homes. 

Aside  from  the  lecture  course  there  was  almost  no  enter- 
tainment in  Homestead  the  year  of  my  inquiry  that  could  be 
called  cultural.  The  amusements  in  the  main  were  the  simple 
festivities  of  home  and  lodge  and  church,  narrow  in  their  round. 
Lacking  the  stimulus  that  comes  from  bringing  a  community  into 
contact  with  new  ideas  or  new  people,  they  yet  helped  to  keep  life 
sane  and  wholesome. 


117 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE   CHILDREN    OF    HOMESTEAD 

THROUGH  children,  more  than  through  insurance,  or 
savings,  or  even  through  home  owning,  does  a  workman's 
household  lay  claim  upon  the  future.  Here  both  the 
oldest  instincts  and  new  half-formulated  ambitions  find  expres- 
sion. They  have  asserted  themselves  even  in  a  town  where  the 
men  have  submitted  to  exclusion  from  all  control  over  their  work, 
and  where  as  we  have  seen  they  have  failed  to  master  the  town's 
government  as  a  whole.  Here  the  community  has  set  before 
itself  what  it  feels  to  be  high  standards. 

The  working  people  of  Homestead  when  talking  of  their 
children  show  a  distinct  recognition  of  the  value  of  education  and 
home  training,  as  compared  with  the  immediate  money  value  of 
wages.  English-speaking  parents,  at  least,  do  not  hurry  their  chil- 
dren to  work  the  day  they  are  fourteen  years  of  age.  Of  the 
17  boys  between  fourteen  and  twenty-one,  in  the  English-speak- 
ing families  from  whom  budgets  were  secured,  15  were  at  work; 
but  of  1 6  girls,  four  were  still  at  school  and  12  were  at  home  help- 
ing their  mothers.  This  last  figure  is  a  striking  one  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  in  at  least  five  of  these  families  the  man  was  earning 
less  than  $15  a  week;  yet  even  under  such  circumstances  the 
parents  did  not  seek  to  increase  their  income  by  sending  the 
girls  to  work.  A  typical  case  is  that  of  a  girl  of  18,  the  eldest  of 
six  children,  in  a  family  with  an  income  of  $14  a  week.  It  was 
assumed  to  be  her  place  to  help  her  mother,  rather  than  to  sup- 
plement the  father's  wages.  While  the  number  of  families 
studied  is,  of  course,  not  large  enough  to  warrant  sweeping  con- 
clusions, their  attitude  in  this  matter  corresponded  with  general 
impressions  I  received  in  visiting  a  much  wider  circle. 

In  contrast  to  their  general  political  indifference,  the  voters 
118 


THE    CHILDREN    OF    HOMESTEAD 

have  insisted  on  efficiency  in  the  one  branch  of  borough  govern- 
ment which  specifically  affects  their  children,  and  are  proud  of 
having  a  "  good  school  board"  and  of  having  created  a  public  senti- 
ment which  makes  the  best  men  in  the  town  willing  to  accept  this 
office.  The  board  included  in  1907-8  three  physicians,  four  men 
in  the  steel  works,  including  a  steel  inspector,  two  lawyers,  and 
several  business  men.  Though  this  board  has  not  adopted  all  the 
modern  improvements  in  school  equipment,  it  has,  through  its 
straightforward  efforts  to  provide  good  service,  secured  the  co- 
operation of  the  people.  So  far,  school  facilities  have  kept  pace 
with  the  rapid  growth  of  the  town  and  there  has  been  a  seat  for 
every  child. 

The  Second  Ward  school,  one  of  the  older  buildings  visited, 
was  neither  well  constructed  nor  fireproof.  The  first  grade  room  had 
34  double  seats,  or  68  children  for  one  teacher — an  excessive  number. 
Drinking  water  was  brought  in  buckets  from  a  well  in  the  yard; 
the  toilets  were  cemented  privy  vaults  flushed  only  by  waste 
water  from  the  yard  and  by  rain  water  from  the  roof,  except  in 
dry  seasons  when  the  flushing  was  done  by  a  hose.*  Heat  was 
provided  by  sheet-iron  incased  coal  stoves  situated  in  the  rooms, 
and  there  was  no  system  of  ventilation. 

In  contrast  to  this  old  school,  changes  in  the  newer  buildings 
show  that  the  board  is  adopting  progressive  standards.  For 
example,  the  Fifth  Ward  school,  the  newest,  is  semi-fireproof  and 
has  excellent  lighting  arrangements, — six  windows  in  each  of  the 
rooms, — the  light  in  all  cases  coming  from  the  back  and  left  of 
the  pupils.  It  has  no  double  desks,  and  in  two  rooms  the  desks 
are  graded  in  size.  The  heating  is  by  hot  air  generated  by  steam. 
The  building,  a  two-story  one  with  no  fire-escapes,  had,  how- 
ever, a  wooden  stairway  in  the  center  hall,  and  a  fire  drill  was 
introduced  only  after  public  sentiment  had  been  aroused  by  the 
Collingwood  School  fire  in  Cleveland  in  which  several  hundred 
children  were  killed.  Graduated  desks  are  still  urgently  needed, 
since  the  presence  in  the  same  school  of  both  native-born  children 
and  newly  arrived  immigrants  results  in  unusual  variations  in 
size  among  pupils  in  the  same  grade.  With  more  facilities  for 
bathing  and  especially  with  better  toilets,  the  schools  also  could 

*  Sanitary  porcelain  closets  were  installed  in  1908. 
II9 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

serve  to  educate  public  opinion  to  demand  better  sanitary  stand- 
ards in  the  homes. 

The  principal  school  in  Munhall  is  a  more  up-to-date  struc- 
ture than  those  of  Homestead,*  being  fireproof  and  built  with 
iron  stairways  and  sufficient  exits.  The  toilets  are  within  the 
building,  the  lighting  is  sufficient  and  the  heating  system  modern. 
It  contains  an  assembly  hall,  though  this  was  used  only  for  school 
purposes.  The  mothers'  meetings  and  little  entertainments  in 
the  kindergarten,  and  the  literary  exercises  held  once  a  week  to 
which  the  mothers  were  invited,  served  to  arouse  interest  and 
bring  the  women  in  touch  with  the  teachers.  This  school  is 
beginning  to  have  a  real  influence  in  the  life  of  the  borough.  It 
is,  however,  situated  on  the  hill  in  the  most  prosperous  part  of 
the  town.  The  schools  in  neighborhoods  where  such  work  would 
be  more  essential  are  not  so  equipped. 

An  outsider,  unless  an  expert,  can  hardly  judge  whether 
methods  of  instruction  are  of  a  high  order  or  the  work  of  the 
teachers  efficient.  The  residents  themselves  believe  that  they 
are,  and  take  genuine  pride  in  every  advance  in  standards.  The 
authorities  have  been  less  ready  to  develop  the  social  uses  of  the 
school  plants.  1 1  is  perhaps  not  surprising  that  a  conservative  town 
has  not  introduced  such  new  features  as  school  nurses  and  medical  in- 
spection of  school  children.  Parents  who  are  so  eager  to  secure 
benefits  for  their  children  would  undoubtedly  welcome  such  work 
were  its  value  made  known  to  them.  Superintendent  T.  M. 
Norris  of  the  Homestead  schools  has  expressed  himself  as  in  favor 
of  school  nurses  in  the  Second  Ward.  So  far  there  has  been  no 
effective  demand  for  them,  nor  has  Homestead  had  the  example 
of  such  a  public  system  in  the  Pittsburgh  schools.  There  has  been 
less  excuse  for  the  belatedness  in  providing  school  playgrounds.  In 
the  Second  Ward,  where  a  play  center  has  been  most  needed,  the 
school  has  a  large  yard.  Though  this  would  have  made  a  good 
playground  it  was  used  for  games  the  year  of  my  residence 
in  Homestead  only  during  the  fifteen-minute  recess  twice  a  day. 
As  the  school  is  on  the  main  street  only  two  blocks  from  the  mill, 

*  Up  to  iqio  the  Homestead  High  School  has  been  conducted  in  a  part  of  one 
of  the  grammar  buildings.  Plans  are  now  under  way  for  building  a  High  School 
to  cost  $125,000.     This  will  have  baths,  a  gymnasium,  an  assembly  hall,  etc. 


1^     >- 

5  "3 


a  -5 


THE    CHILDREN    OF    HOMESTEAD 


the  yard  proved  an  attractive  spot  for  loungers  and  was  on  that 
account  closed  out  of  school  hours.  While  paid  supervision  in  such 
a  location  is  undoubtedly  necessary,  the  difficulty  or  expense  in 
providing  it  should  not  have  remained  an  insurmountable  obstacle 
where  a  place  to  play  was  so  sadly  needed.  The  children  who  at- 
tend this  school  live  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  in  crowded  courts,  in 
which  there  is  little  room  for  games,  and  a  long  climb  is  neces- 
sary to  reach 
the   vacant 


Clipping  from  the  Homestead  Messenger  which  was   an 
teresting  bit  of  evidence  of  the  need  for  recreation  grounds. 


BOYS  CLAIM  THEIR  RIGHTS 
ARE6EING 1NTERERFED  WITH 


lots   back    of 
the  town. 

For  two 
years  the 
Woman's 
Club  of 
Homestead 

used  this  school  yard  for  a  vaca- 
tion school.  They  employed  teach- 
ers to  conduct  a  kitchen  garden 
and  sewing  classes,  and  provided 
swings  and  sand  boxes  for  amuse- 
ment. Each  afternoon  club  mem- 
bers helped  with  the  work  and  they 
seem  to  have  made  it  a  success.  Some 
felt,  however,  that  the  children  who 
came  were  not  from  families  who 
really  needed  this  stimulus,  and  since 
the  women  could  not  secure  an  appropriation  from  the  school 
board,  and  had  difficulty  in  raising  the  necessary  funds,  they 
finally  gave  up  the  work.  This  was  unfortunate,  for  not  only 
was  the  vacation  school  needed  by  the  pupils,  but  it  also  was  a 
way  in  which  the  intelligent  women  of  the  town  could  come  into 
personal  contact  with  the  problems  of  their  Second  Ward  neigh- 
bors.* 

*  In  the  summer  of  1909,  a  vacation  school  and  playground  were  main- 
tained for  six  weeks  in  this  Second  Ward  school  yard.  A  Playground  Association 
was  organized  with  which  the  National  Vacation  Bible  School  Committee  of  New 
York  co-operated,  providing  the  play  director.  A  similar  playground  was  carried 
on  by  the  Homestead  people  in  1910. 

121 


The  boys  of  Homestead  are  sore 
at  the  burgess  and  members  of  the 
police  froce,  who  they  accuse  ot  In- 
terfering with  their  rights  as  free 
bc.TQ  Young  Americans.  Last  night 
a  committee  of  bIx  representing  the 
First  and  Second  wards  called  at  the 
"Dally  Messenger  office  and  left  the 
following  which  they  hope  >w111  re- 
ceive careful  consideration  at  the 
hands  of  the  chief  executive  of  the 
borough. 

"The  boys  of  Homestead  want  to 
know  why  they  cannot  play  basket- 
ball on  the  street,  and  they  want  to 
know  what  they  can  do. 

"Burgess  please  answer  in  Mon- 
days' Messenger." 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

This  same  club— the  most  wide-awake  body  in  the  town- 
tried  also  to  persuade  the  school  board  to  start  public  kinder- 
gartens. The  members  canvassed  the  town  to  see  how  many 
mothers  would  send  their  children  to  a  free  kindergarten,  how 
many  if  a  fee  were  charged,  and  how  many  with  no  children  of 
kindergarten  age  would  contribute  toward  its  support.  They 
demonstrated  by  this  inquiry  that  mothers  would  welcome  the 
addition  of  kindergartens  to  the  school  system.  But  when  the 
request  to  introduce  them  into  the  public  schools  was  presented 
to  the  school  board  by  a  member  who  favored  the  project,  it  was 
refused.  The  reason  offered  was  that  the  board  could  not  afford 
the  money  necessary  to  maintain  the  ten  kindergartens  Homestead 
needs.  Nor  did  the  authorities  recognize  their  practical  value. 
It  was  even  said  by  one  member  of  the  board  that  the  women 
merely  wanted  to  be  relieved  of  the  care  of  the  children  so  they 
would  be  free  to  "go  gadding." 

A  similar  failure  to  comprehend  the  difficulties  in  giving 
proper  training  in  the  home  and  the  need  for  providing  it  elsewhere, 
might  have  put  off  for  a  long  time  the  introduction  of  domestic 
science  and  manual  training.  As  it  was,  Mr.  Charles  M.  Schwab, 
who  was  once  superintendent  of  the  Homestead  works,  gave  the 
town  a  well  equipped  manual  training  school  in  which  the 
children  from  all  the  schools,  parochial  as  well  as  public,  receive 
a  half  day's  instruction  a  week  while  attending  the  sixth,  seventh 
and  eighth  grades  and  the  High  School.  The  girls  have  cook- 
ing and  sewing  classes  in  alternate  years  and  the  boys  classes 
in  sloyd,  wood  and  metal  turning.  Some  of  the  girls  do  very 
creditable  work,  drafting  patterns  and  making  shirtwaist  suits 
in  their  last  year.  In  the  cooking  class  they  study  the  theory 
of  food  values,  and  have  practical  cooking  lessons  besides. 
The  instruction  in  sewing  the  mothers  generally  approve.  One 
woman  who  had  been  a  clerk  in  a  store  before  her  marriage  ex- 
pressed her  regret  that  she  had  never  been  taught  at  home  to 
sew.  When  clothing  must  be  provided  for  a  family  of  six  it  is  a 
distinct  handicap  to  be  able  to  make  only  aprons  and  other  sim- 
ple things.  This  woman  was  therefore  appreciative  of  what  her 
daughter  learned  in  school.  Other  mothers  who  themselves 
taught  their  girls  to  sew  did  not  consider  the  instruction  so  im- 

122 


THE    CHILDREN    OF    HOMESTEAD 

portant,  yet  with  all  their  other  cares  they  were  glad  to  have  this 
help. 

In  regard  to  the  value  of  the  cooking  classes,  opinions  differed. 
When  you  turn  from  the  large,  spotless  kitchen  in  the  school, 
with  its  equipment  of  modern  ranges  and  elaborate  cooking  uten- 
sils, to  the  humble  kitchen  in  the  home  of  a  laborer,  with  a  second- 
hand coal  stove  and  only  a  few  kettles,  or  even  to  the  modest 
kitchens  of  the  more  well-to-do  families,  you  understand  why 
some  girls  find  it  difficult  to  translate  into  everyday  usefulness 
the  lessons  of  the  school.  Moreover,  too  often  the  emphasis  of 
the  lessons  is  on  the  preparation  of  fancy  dishes,  instead  of  on  how 
to  make  cheap  cuts  both  digestible  and  palatable;  and  yet,  if 
girls  learn  new  things  which  they  can  make  at  home,  they  take 
an  increased  interest  in  housekeeping.  One  girl  insisted  that  her 
father  get  her  some  waffle  irons.  The  family  was  so  pleased  with 
her  first  experiment  that  they  now  count  upon  having  waffles 
every  Sunday  morning  for  breakfast.  The  girl's  pride  in  providing 
the  treat  of  the  week  undoubtedly  helped  to  develop  in  her  a  real 
enthusiasm  for  homemaking. 

The  school  stimulates  a  similar  interest  among  the  boys  by 
giving  them  a  share  in  furnishing  the  home;  for  many  of  the  ar- 
ticles made,  especially  in  the  wood-working  classes,  become  their 
property. 

This  Schwab  school,  which  is  supported  by  the  public  taxes, 
and  is  carried  on  under  the  direction  of  the  superintendent  of 
schools,  rounds  out  the  town's  system  of  elementary  education. 
In  its  maintenance  and  standards  it  is  a  public  recognition  of  the 
need  for  manual  training  in  an  industrial  community,  and  in  its 
work  a  distinctly  progressive  spirit  among  the  people  is  feeling  its 
way. 

In  these  needs  the  adults,  especially  among  the  immigrants, 
share.  Evening  schools  or  educational  centers  would  be  valuable 
to  Homestead  and  welcomed.  The  plant  of  the  Schwab  Manual 
Training  School  could  be  used  in  providing  courses  in  domestic 
science  for  housekeepers,  and  a  number  of  the  older  women  would 
appreciate  courses  in  domestic  arts.  Young  men  and  boys  would 
undoubtedly  take  advantage  of  night  courses,  both  technical  and 
literary.     These  wants  are  met  in  some  measure  by  the  Carnegie 

123 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Library,  which,  besides  amusements,  provides  many  opportunities 
for  study.  Unfortunately,  a  class  feeling  seems  to  have  developed 
with  respect  to  the  library.  The  clerical  and  managerial  force  of 
mill  employes  make  free  use  of  its  privileges,  but  some  of  the 
unskilled  workmen  expressed  a  doubt  as  to  whether  they  are  really 
welcome.  This  is  not,  however,  due  to  the  attitude  of  the  direc- 
tors, which  is  cordial  to  all  comers.  Nearly  200  students  were 
enrolled  in  the  educational  classes  during  1908  besides  those  in 
the  musical  clubs.  Until  1908  attempts  to  teach  English  to 
foreigners  had  not  succeeded,  but  in  that  year  there  was  a  class  of 

The  fact  that  the  library  is  on  the  high  ground  in  Munhall 
discourages  its  use  by  men  tired  by  a  day's  work.  If  classes  and 
reading  rooms  could  be  opened  in  the  school  buildings  in  more 
accessible  sections  of  the  borough  of  Homestead,  there  would,  I 
think,  be  an  increased  attendance.  The  development  of  the 
library  clubs  has  been  such  as  should  serve  to  stimulate  the  school 
department  to  a  further  use  of  its  own  plant,  rather  than  to  en- 
courage the  belief  that  the  library  meets  all  the  cultural  needs  of 
the  community. 

One  exceptional  opportunity  for  technical  training,  within 
reach  of  Homestead,  is  offered  by  the  courses  at  the  Carnegie 
Technical  School  in  Pittsburgh.  That  this  privilege  is  not  un- 
appreciated is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  1907-8  six  boys  from 
Homestead  were  taking  the  regular  all-day  course,  and  17  boys 
the  evening  courses.  I  knew  of  one  boy  of  seventeen  employed 
in  the  mill  who  was  attending  the  regular  evening  course,  hoping 
eventually  to  become  an  electrician.  His  work  gave  him  some 
leisure  time  in  which  he  could  study,  and  when  he  was  on  night  turn 
a  friend  managed  to  do  the  first  hour's  work  for  him  so  that  he 
could  continue  his  course.  As  the  Institute  is  at  least  half  an 
hour's  ride  from  Homestead,  it  required  some  will  power  and 
enthusiasm  to  take  this  trip  after  a  ten  or  twelve  hours'  day  in 
the  mill.* 

*  Arrangements  are  now  made  between  the  Carnegie  Technical  Schools  and 
the  Carnegie  Steel  Company  (and  other  employers),  by  which  a  young  employe 
who  wants  to  attend  the  night  courses  is  put  on  working  shifts  which  will  not  break 
into  his  classes. 

124 


0^1 

r?c 

*^ft 

l|.,L — ..... 

Draughting  Ron 


Carpenter  Shop 
Schwab  Manual  Training  School 


THE    CHILDREN    OF  HOMESTEAD 

The  girls,  too,  can  secure  training  in  domestic  science,  mil- 
linery, dressmaking,  etc.,  in  the  girls'  department  of  this  school— 
the  Margaret  Morison  Carnegie  School. 

Among  the  English-speaking  people  the  daughters  rarely 
go  out  to  service,  though  many  of  their  mothers  have  done  so. 
Nor  are  they  inclined  to  work  in  the  Homestead  stores,  where,  I 
was  told,  the  Homestead  girls  receive  a  lower  rate  of  wages  than 
do  those  from  out-of-town — never  above  $5.00  a  week.  They 
prefer  the  change  and  excitement  of  the  Pittsburgh  stores,  where 
they  can  get  more  pay,  though  hardly  enough  at  first  to  counter- 
balance carfare.  A  number  were  employed  in  the  great  Westing- 
house  Electric  Works  across  the  river;  but  the  distance,  the 
conditions  under  which  some  of  the  work  is  done,  the  speeding 
and  low  pay,  and  the  doubtful  reputation  of  some  of  the  employes 
among  Homestead  mothers  made  them  consider  this  employment 
undesirable.  A  few  girls  took  commercial  courses  either  in  the 
Homestead  High  School  or  in  business  colleges  in  Pittsburgh; 
the  extra  expense  of  the  latter  was  considered  to  be  justified  by 
the  fact  that  the  colleges  assured  positions  on  graduation.  As  one 
woman  said  of  her  young  daughter,  "We  are  poor,  and  we  must 
consider  how  she  can  get  to  work  soonest."  The  morning  train 
carries  a  company  of  such  office  workers  into  the  city. 

But  the  proportion  is  small,  and  in  contrast  to  the  prevailing 
custom  of  industrial  communities,  in  New  England,  for  instance, 
the  continuance  of  this  reservoir  of  woman's  labor,  largely  un- 
tapped by  commercial  interests,  is  a  matter  of  note.  Undoubtedly 
home  instincts  and  standards  would  not  keep  all  the  girls  from 
work  were  a  factory  to  be  opened  which  would  have  use  for  them 
even  at  low  pay.  That  they  have  so  far  largely  remained  at  home 
has  resulted  in  positive  advantages.  One  may  question  whether 
the  family  would  not  be  better  off  to  have  the  additional  earnings. 
But  to  the  daughter  who  helps  with  the  housekeeping,  this  house- 
hold training  is  valuable.  Its  importance  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  most  capable  housekeepers  I  came  upon,  with  the 
greatest  capacity  for  making  a  small  income  go  a  long  way,  had 
been  girls  who  by  working  at  home  had  learned  methods  of 
economy. 

The  mill  makes  it  possible  for  the  sons  to  work  and  live  in 
125 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Homestead  apd  thus,  before  marriage,  to  develop  the  economic 
unity  of  their  father's  family.  It  is  significant  that  among  the 
budget  families  having  a  total  income  of  $20  or  over,  29  per  cent 
of  the  income  of  English-speaking  Europeans,  and  1 1  per  cent 
of  that  of  native  white  families  was  contributed  by  the  sons. 
Some  of  these  boys  of  nineteen  or  twenty  earned  as  much  as  their 
fathers.  The  period  before  they  leave  home  is,  therefore,  the 
high-water  mark  of  financial  prosperity  for  the  family.  During 
this  time  a  home  can  sometimes  be  bought.  I  visited  one  such 
where  the  whole  atmosphere  was  one  of  comfort.  Though  the 
man  himself  earned  very  moderate  wages,  two  sons  had  grown  up 
at  home,  and  during  the  period  when  they  added  to  the  family 
income  the  house  and  its  furnishings  (which  included  plush  furni- 
ture and  a  music  box!)  had  been  purchased.  The  boys  are  mar- 
ried now,  but  their  parents,  in  a  way,  are  reaping  the  harvest  of 
those  fruitful  years. 

The  parents'  ambitions  for  their  sons  are,  as  a  rule,  very 
simple;  usually  to  follow  in  their  fathers'  footsteps,  getting  from 
the  practical  work  in  the  mill  a  training  for  future  success.  There 
is  a  fascination  about  the  mill  against  which  even  unwilling  mothers 
find  themselves  helpless  to  contend.  One  woman,  whose  husband 
had  been  a  mill  worker  all  his  life  and  two  of  whose  sons  had 
worked  up  to  responsible  positions,  had  had  her  fill  of  the  ter- 
ror of  accidents  which  haunts  many  a  Homestead  woman.  So 
she  wished  her  third  boy  to  do  something  else,  and  secured  a 
place  for  him  in  a  large  department  store.  His  wages  seemed 
small  compared  with  those  received  by  his  brothers,  there  was  little 
prospect  of  promotion,  and  so  he  was  soon  hard  at  work  in  the 
mill.  The  fact  that  the  best  paid  men,  such  as  rollers  and  heaters, 
have  worked  up  to  these  jobs  through  experience  has  increased 
the  natural  tendency  to  put  sons  directly  into  the  mill  rather  than 
to  give  them  a  technical  training.  While  occasionally  a  boy 
wishes  to  go  to  college,  the  general  attitude  of  the  community  is 
one  of  scorn  rather  than  of  respect  for  academic  education. 
There  is  a  general  belief  that  the  college  trained  man,  with  all 
his  theory,  is  less  expert  than  the  man  who  has  learned  the  indus- 
try through  work  with  his  hands.  As  few  men  with  technical 
training  are  at  the  start  familiar  with  the  processes  of  steel  mak- 

126 


^  .a 


THE    CHILDREN    OF    HOMESTEAD 

ing,  the  value  of  their  theoretical  knowledge  cannot  overcome  the 
prejudice  created  among  the  men  by  their  early  blunders. 

Whatever  its  disadvantages  the  mill  usually  gives  a  boy  a 
chance  to  earn  a  fair  livelihood  for  a  single  man  as  a  semi-skilled 
workman.  Some  want  what  are  known  as  pencil  jobs,  weighing  and 
marking  steel,  where  the  work  is  light  and  apparently  considered 
more  gentlemanly,  though  the  pay  is  lower  and  the  chances  of 
mastering  the  business  are  less.  The  parents  often  accede  to  this 
desire.  Others  begin  at  regular  boy's  work,  as  messengers 
or  door  openers.*  Promotion  is  rapid  in  the  beginning,  and 
sometimes  by  the  time  a  boy  is  eighteen  he  has  already  at- 
tained his  maximum  wage.  One  woman  who  regretted  that  her 
boy  had  not  learned  a  trade,  said  that  he  was  unwilling  to  go 
through  a  long  period  of  apprenticeship  as  a  mechanic,  when  at 
certain  mill  jobs  he  could  earn  good  pay  at  once.  Another  woman 
told  me  that  her  brother  early  acquired  dissipated  habits  because 
he  earned  man's  wages  while  he  still  had  a  boy's  lack  of  respon- 
sibility and  self-control. 

The  sons  may  work  a  little  further  up  than  their  fathers; 
a  man  told  me  with  pride  that  his  son,  who  was  a  foreman,  had 
secured  for  him  a  job  in  the  mill,  and  a  mother  was  eager  to  relate 
how  her  boy  had  taught  the  new  assistant  superintendent  the  way 
to  do  his  work.  Only  rarely,  however,  do  they  secure  an  educa- 
tion that  fits  them  for  an  entirely  different  kind  of  labor. 

The  mothers,  too,  expect  that  their  daughters  will  eventu- 
ally marry  mill  workers.  Yet  they  desire  for  their  children 
greater  ease  and  culture  than  they  themselves  have  enjoyed. 
One  woman  told  me  very  sweetly  of  her  efforts  to  teach  her 
children  better  manners  than  she  had  ever  learned.  She  bought 
a  book  on  etiquette  and  was  assiduously  trying  to  instruct  them 
in  the  little  acts  of  courtesy  which  to  many  of  us  are  a  matter 

*  Mr.  Norris,  superintendent  of  the  Homestead  schools,  spoke  of  the  care 
with  which  the  mill  superintendents  refuse  to  employ  any  boy  under  fourteen,  and 
forbid  boys  under  sixteen  to  work  in  dangerous  places.  Yet  in  1906-7  "A  boy 
was  killed  in  the  Homestead  Steel  Works  at  1.30  in  the  morning.  He  was  a 
'pull-up,'  fifteen  years  old,  who  had  worked  eight  hours  out  of  a  thirteen-hour 
night  turn.  He  had  a  few  minutes  to  rest,  and  went  back  of  the  furnace  to  lie 
down  in  a  wheelbarrow.  He  fell  asleep  and  was  struck  and  killed  by  the  extend- 
ing arm  of  a  ladle  which  the  crane-man  was  bringing  back  to  the  pit."  Eastman, 
Work-Accidents  and  the  Law,  p.  88. 

127 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

of  course.  She  explained  her  own  embarrassment  in  attempting 
to  set  an  example  to  the  children,  which  she  did  with  the  self- 
consciousness  that  comes  to  grownups.  "  If  I  do  get  up  from  the 
table,  I  make  myself  say  'Excuse  me,'  but  it  is  awful  hard.  I 
never  learned  very  much,  but  I  do  want  my  children  to  be  differ- 
ent,"— and  the  courtesy  of  the  child  who  had  opened  the  door  for 
me  demonstrated  her  success. 

In  this  home,  as  in  many  another,  the  plans  of  the  parents 
centered  about  the  development  of  the  children,  rather  than  about 
any  change  in  their  own  economic  status.  We  must  remember 
that  in  the  steel  industry  fortunes  have  been  piled  up  by  indi- 
vidual men  who  started  in  as  water  boys,  and  couple  with  it  the 
fact  that  in  Homestead  there  is  no  longer  any  method  by  which 
the  men  can  collectively  raise  the  general  level  of  wages.  It  is 
but  natural  then  that  a  family's  hopes  should  be  bound  up  very 
largely  in  its  individual  fortunes,  and  if  these  hopes  are  unful- 
filled through  the  father,  that  they  should  be  centered  in  the 
sons.  Yet  in  so  far  as  my  observations  as  to  the  future  of  the 
children  are  not  conclusive,  they  reflect  the  vagueness  of  outlook 
of  the  people  themselves. 

For  dynamic  changes  are  affecting  the  town's  growth,  and 
the  lives  of  the  people  composing  it.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
prophesy  how  far  the  children  of  the  present  steel  workers  will  man 
the  mills  of  the  next  generation ;  there  is  another  stream  of  recruits 
coming  in  which  as  time  goes  on  may  more  and  more  dispute  with 
the  native  born  and  the  sons  of  the  old  immigrant  stock  for 
place  in  the  ranks  of  the  semi-skilled  and  skilled.  We  must  recog- 
nize the  part  the  Slavs  are  to  play.  They  today  make  up  a  full 
half  of  the  working  force  of  the  plant.  They  already  affect  every 
phase  of  the  town's  life,  as  newcomers  in  the  ranks  of  industry, 
as  aliens  from  East  Europe,  and  (the  great  majority  of  them) 
as  day  laborers  at  i6£  cents  an  hour,  whose  earnings  fall  below 
what  we  have  seen  to  be  a  living  wage  for  a  family. 

That  the  members  of  this  economic  group  in  Homestead  are 
largely  of  one  race,  and  this  a  different  one  from  the  men  in  ranks 
above  them,  gives  a  distinctive  character  to  the  situation,  and  war- 
rants its  treatment  in  a  separate  section.  It  is  a  situation  common 
to  an  important  group  of  the  major  industries  in  America  today. 

128 


Drawn  by  Joseph  Stella 


Slav:    Calling 


PART  III 
THE  SLAV  AS  A  HOMESTEADER 


CHAPTER  IX 
TH  E    SLAVS 

FROM  the  cinder  path  beside  one  of  the  railroads  that  crosses 
the  level  part  of  Homestead,  you  enter  an  alley,  bordered 
on  one  side  by  stables  and  on  the  other  by  a  row  of  shabby 
two-story  frame  houses.  The  doors  of  the  houses  are  closed, 
but  dishpans  and  old  clothes  decorating  their  exterior  mark  them 
as  inhabited.  Turning  from  the  alley  through  a  narrow  passage- 
way you  find  yourself  in  a  small  court,  on  three  sides  of  which 
are  smoke-grimed  houses,  and  on  the  fourth,  low  stables.  The 
open  space  teems  with  life  and  movement.  Children,  dogs  and 
hens  make  it  lively  under  foot;  overhead  long  lines  of  flapping 
clothes  must  be  dodged.  A  group  of  women  stand  gossiping  in 
one  corner,  awaiting  their  turn  at  the  pump, — which  is  one 
of  the  two  sources  of  water  supply  for  the  20  families  who 
live  here.  Another  woman  dumps  the  contents  of  her  washtubs 
upon  the  paved  ground,  and  the  greasy,  soapy  water  runs  into 
an  open  drain  a  few  feet  from  the  pump.  In  the  center  a  circular 
wooden  building  with  ten  compartments  opening  into  one  vault, 
flushed  only  by  this  waste  water,  constitutes  the  toilet  accommo- 
dations for  over  one  hundred  people.  Twenty-seven  children  find 
in  this  crowded  brick-paved  space  their  only  playground;  for  the 
63  rooms  in  the  houses  about  the  court  shelter  a  group  of  20 
families,  Polish,  Slavic  and  Hungarian,  Jewish  and  Negro.  The 
men  are  unskilled  workers  in  the  mills. 

This  court  is  one  of  many  such  in  Homestead;  one  of 
hundreds  of  similar  courts  in  the  mill  towns  of  the  Ohio  valley. 
The  conditions  produced  by  the  incoming  of  these  alien  workers 
form  one  of  the  unsolved  problems  of  the  steel  district. 

Two  elements  in  the  old  country  feed  the  population  of  these 
crowded  sections:  the  ambitious  young  men,  with  no  ties,  unless 
to  aged  parents;  and  the  men  with  wives,  sometimes  with  children, 
who  come  over  here  to  make  a  better  home  for  them.     They  are 

131 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

all  stimulated  by  the  successes  of  their  friends,  who  perhaps  have 
returned  with  savings  that  seem  fortunes.  Often  these  people 
mortgage  their  all  for  the  passage  money  and  if  they  fail  here 
no  place  is  left  to  which  they  can  go  back.  From  quiet  villages 
they  come  to  this  smoky  town;  from  labor  in  the  open  fields  to 
heavy  work  in  the  yards  and  thundering  sheds  of  the  mill. 

As  employment  is  steady  and  the  workman's  needs  are  sim- 
ple, the  wages  seem  large.  The  newcomer  if  a  single  man  finds 
groups  of  his  fellow  workers  living  in  close  quarters — three  or  four 
in  a  room — who  are  enjoying  life  and  saving  money  at  the  same 
time.  So  he  too  begins  to  save,  and  presently,  if  he  has  a  family 
at  home,  sends  for  them  to  join  him.  If  he  is  single,  he  sends  for 
his  sweetheart  or  marries  some  girl  of  his  race,  whom  he  meets  in 
the  mill-town  courts  of  an  evening  or  at  church  or  at  one  of  the 
lodge  dances.  If  she  has  been  at  service  here,  she  too  will  likely 
have  a  small  account  in  the  bank.  Then,  as  the  family  grows  and 
expenses  increase,  they  resort  to  the  old  expedient  and  begin 
themselves  to  take  boarders.  Children  come  and  grow  up.  The 
man's  wage  does  not  increase;  as  he  is  a  "Hunkie"  the  chances 
are  that  he  will  remain  a  laborer.  Most  of  these  men  come  in- 
tending some  day  to  go  back  with  a  thousand  dollars — men  of 
property.  But  even  if  they  return  once  to  the  old  country,  they 
often  turn  again  to  America;  growing  attached  to  the  new  world, 
they  become  permanent  residents. 

An  occasional  family,  when  the  man  gets  into  tonnage  work 
or  when  the  children  reach  earning  age  and  add  their  wages  to  the 
common  fund,  achieves  a  long  desired  happiness;  they  move  to  a 
separate  house  in  the  suburbs,  perhaps  even  to  one  of  their  own. 
But  to  many  the  crowded  court  with  its  isolation  from  the  rest  of 
the  community  continues  to  be  America. 

While  there  were  no  definite  figures  available  as  to  the 
number  of  these  foreigners  in  Homestead  in  1907-8,  two  Slavs  inti- 
mately acquainted  with  the  foreign  colony  estimated  that  there 
were  between  6000  and  7000.  When  the  mills  were  running  full  in 
October,  1907,  3603  Slavic  men  were  at  work  there,  forming  53.2 
per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  employes.*  As  1092  of  these  were 
single  men,  the  estimate  as  to  the  total  Slavic  population  is  prob- 
*  Table  3,  p.  13. 
132 


c    tu 


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V 


r_  J  HK/VAEBVILDIMCiS      [><3 


BNCIHCLEPlpI<jVRES  -/^WBER  OP  -  ^^~^  ~  ~V  ^        tj  U| 

children  in  the  covrt      /     I —     —    -""-^i^^*" 

EIWTiBS  MARKED  THUS'*-PBSIQnA.TB  /  / 

TOE  MWiBER  OP  THE  COVRT  '   ' 


Section  of  Ward  Two,  Homestead,  iqoS 
Showing  location  of  22  courts  studied;  number  of  children  under  14  in  each;  loca- 
tion of  churches  and  saloons;  absence  of  playgrounds 


THE    SLAVS 

ably  fairly  accurate.  The  rapid  increase  in  numbers  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  while  there  were  no  Slavic  churches  in  the  town  in  1 896, 
there  are  now  Polish,  Slovak,  and  Lithuanian  Roman  Catholic 
churches,  a  Slovak  Greek  Catholic  church,  a  Hungarian  Reformed 
church,  and  one  or  two  Slavic  Protestant  missions.  These  churches 
hold  property  the  value  of  which  is  estimated  at  $400,000. 

Numerous  national  distinctions  divide  this  body  of  immi- 
grants as  a  whole,  but  of  these  the  English-speaking  community 
is  in  large  measure  ignorant;  to  the  rest  of  the  town  they  are 
all  just  "Hunkies."  Of  the  Slavs  employed  in  the  mill  in  1907, 
51.7  per  cent  were  Slovaks,  15  per  cent  Magyar,  10.2  per  cent 
Roumanian,  9.6  per  cent  Russian,  6  per  cent  Polish,  3.6  per  cent 
Lithuanian,  3.9  per  cent  miscellaneous.*  Between  some  of  these 
groups,  such  as  Slovaks  and  Hungarians,  Poles  and  Russians, 
feuds  dating  back  many  centuries  still  provoke  quarrels  in  this 
new-world  town.  The  crowded  courts  bring  them  into  close  and 
sometimes  irritating  contact,  and  as  yet  there  have  been  few 
amalgamating  forces  to  counteract  the  old  hatreds.  Rather  the 
segmentation  of  churches  and  lodges,  due  to  differences  in  lan- 
guage, tend  to  keep  alive  these  old  antagonisms. 

In  spite,  however,  of  these  national  conflicts  the  Slavs  are 
of  similar  temperament.  Like  the  Irish  who  preceded  them  here, 
they  are  in  most  instances  in  their  own  country  the  ruled  rather 
than  the  dominant  race,  and  the  majority  come  from  agricul- 
tural countries,  where  money  is  scarce,  where  living  conditions 
are  of  the  poorest,  where  hard  work  in  the  open  air  has  developed 
rugged  strength.  With  them  they  bring  the  standards  of  vil- 
lage life,  reflecting  its  crude  sanitation  (counterbalanced  in  the 
old  environment  by  the  unlimited  supply  of  fresh  air),  its  bare 
existence  and  its  low  levels  of  comfort. 

The  mode  of  living  which  we  find  among  the  Slavs  is  in  a 
measure  due  to  a  conflict  between  the  nature  of  community  life 
and  industry  in  America,  and  the  customs  and  conditions  that 
prevail  under  a  different  civilization.  In  some  measure,  at  least, 
wages,  housing  conditions,  opportunities  for  relaxation,  conform 

*  For  convenience  in  this  book,  as  already  noted,  Magyars,  Letts,  etc.,  are 
spoken  of  as  Slavs.  Though  not  of  the  blood,  they  come  from  the  same  general 
district  in  mid-Europe  and  are  part  of  the  same  wave  of  immigration. 

133 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

to  the  "standards  of  living"  of  the  influential  group  in  a  town, 
— in  Homestead,  the  standards  of  the  native  whites.  The  forces 
of  imitation  and  self-respect  make  it  easier  for  a  native  to 
achieve  these  standards,  but  the  newcomers  must  live  under  con- 
ditions which  are  not  determined  by  their  kind.  Moreover,  the 
ambition  of  most  in  coming  to  this  country  is  financial,  or  largely 
so;  and  the  determination  to  get  ahead,  even  at  risk  of  immediate 
health  and  happiness,  accentuates  the  problems  which  their  pres- 
ence creates.  They  come,  then,  with  this  background  of  meagre 
surroundings,  but  with  a  vision  of  future  riches.  They  come  as 
prospectors  come,  ready  for  any  hardships  that  may  help  them 
reach  their  goal,  and  with  the  passive  endurance  that  has  been 
characteristic  of  their  race.  Those  early  dreams  of  money  to  be 
picked  up  in  the  streets  of  the  new  world  are  bygones  no  doubt, 
but  these  Slavic  adventurers  bring  with  them,  nevertheless,  the 
expectation  of  returning  some  day  men  of  wealth, — wealth  made 
up  of  savings  from  American  pay. 

Their  labor  is  the  heaviest  and  roughest  in  the  mill, — 
handling  steel  billets  and  bars,  loading  trains,  working  in  cinder 
pits;  labor  that  demands  mostly  strength  but  demands  that  in 
large  measure.  They  work  usually  under  the  direction  of  an 
English-speaking  foreman  whose  orders  they  often  fail  to  under- 
stand. Accidents  are  frequent,  promotions  rare.  In  202  fami- 
lies in  the  courts  studied,  88  per  cent  of  the  men  belonged  to  the 
unskilled  group,  a  proportion  roughly  true  for  the  mill  as  a  whole.* 
Only  2.2  per  cent  of  the  Slavs  in  the  mill  are  skilled  (Table  6,  p. 
40).  Some  of  the  men  about  the  furnaces  thus  work  up  by  slow 
degrees  to  be  skilled  or  at  least  semi-skilled,  but  in  the  main, 
the  Slavs  have  as  yet  small  prospect  of  advancement.!  Of  the  21 
budget  families  whose  men  were  earning  laborer's  wages,  five  had 
been  here  from  five  to  nine  years,  two  from  ten  to  fourteen  years, 
and  four  had  been  here  fifteen  years  or  over.     If  the  rank  and  file 

*  The  somewhat  higher  average  of  skill  among  the  Slavic  budget  families 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  representative  units  from  each  of  the  economic  groups 
were  selected;  also  that  the  investigator  belonged  to  one  of  the  oldest  Slavic 
families  and  her  acquaintance  included  many  of  the  most  prosperous. 

f  The  sons  occasionally  enter  occupations  outside  the  steel  mills  which  they 
think  more  desirable.  Two  were  reported  to  be  drivers  for  livery  stables  and  one  a 
roofer.     But  these  young  men  did  not  earn  much  more  than  their  fathers. 

'34 


THE    SLAVS 

are  to  satisfy  their  ambitions  they  must  do  it  on  less  than  $2.00  a 
day,  or  leave  Homestead. 

Moreover,  the  Slavs  find  their  work  quickly  affected  by  an  in- 
dustrial depression.  During  the  winter  of  1907  they  were  the  first 
to  be  laid  off.  Many  returned  to  Austria-Hungary;  many  could 
not  go.  In  a  group  of  295  Bulgarians  only  115  had  work,  while 
among  212  Russians,  131  were  unemployed.  The  stories  of  these 
months  of  idleness  and  privation  were  pathetic.  Remittances  to 
wives  and  old  people  in  Europe  dropped  off,  bank  deposits  les- 
sened, and  goods  were  purchased  on  credit  till  future  wages  were 
heavily  mortgaged.  As  Americans  were  sometimes  given  laboring 
work  formerly  done  by  Slavs,  the  latter  bore  more  than  their 
share  of  a  burden  that  seriously  affected  the  whole  community. 
The  company's  policy  of  caring  for  its  skilled  workmen  by  giving 
them  labor  that  would  normally  have  been  done  by  the  unskilled, 
was  in  certain  ways  estimable;  but  it  made  the  winter  a  desperate 
one  for  such  of  the  unskilled  foreigners  as  could  not  return  to 
their  own  country. 

The  steel  industry,  then,  requires  these  strong  men  to  do  its 
heaviest  labor,  pays  them  its  lowest  wage,  with  little  prospect  of 
advancement  and  with  the  chance  that  they  will  be  first  to  suffer 
if  work  grows  slack.  What  for  its  part  does  the  town  offer  ?  The 
section  where  the  Slavs  live  is  in  itself  gloomy.  The  level  ground 
in  the  Second  Ward  cut  off  from  the  river  by  the  mill  and 
from  the  country  by  the  steep  hill  behind,  forms  a  pocket  where 
the  smoke  settles  heavily.  There  are  oases  in  these  wards,  sec- 
tions of  street  with  yards  and  trees,  but  for  the  most  part  here 
on  the  original  site  of  the  town,  garden  plots  as  well  as  alleys 
have  been  utilized  on  which  to  build  small  frame  houses  till  the 
blocks  are  all  but  covered.  While  these  houses  are  sometimes 
built  in  haphazard  fashion,  they  usually  surround  such  a  court 
as  that  described  at  the  outset  of  this  chapter.  For  our  cinder 
path  led  us  directly  to  the  heart  of  the  crowding  and  the  sanitary 
evils  of  the  steel  town. 

To  determine  the  extent  of  such  congestion,  with  the  help 
of  the  Slavic  member  of  my  staff  I  made  a  study  of  21  courts  in  the 
Second  Ward,  shown  on  the  plan  opposite  page  134,  where  yards, 
toilets  and  water  supply  are  used  in  common.     In  these  courts 

135 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

lived  239  families,*  102  of  whom  took  lodgers.  Fifty-one  families, 
including  sometimes  four  or  five  people,  lived  in  one-room  tene- 
ments. One-half  the  families  used  their  kitchens  as  sleeping 
rooms.  Only  three  houses  had  running  water  inside,  and  in  at 
least  three  instances  over  1 10  people  were  dependent  on  one  yard 
hydrant  for  water. 

Each  court  is  shut  in  between  the  houses  facing  the  street 
and  a  similar  row  facing  the  alley  at  the  rear  which  cuts  the  block 
in  half.  A  narrow  passage  serves  as  an  outlet.  Some  of  the 
houses  are  four  or  six-story  buildings,  but  more  than  half  in  the 
courts  studied  were  but  two  stories  high  with  four  rooms  each.f 
This  type  usually  shelters  two  families  each;  one  family  living  in 
the  room  opening  upon  the  street  and  the  upstairs  room  above  it; 
the  other,  in  the  two  rooms  looking  into  the  court. 

In  summer,  to  give  some  through  ventilation  to  the  stilling 
rooms,  doors  leading  to  the  stairway  between  the  front  and  rear 
rooms  are  left  open.  As  the  families  are  often  kin  this  oppor- 
tunity for  friendly  intercourse  is  not  unwelcome.  Indeed,  the 
cheerful  gossip  about  the  hydrant  that  enlivens  wash  day,  like 
the  card  playing  in  the  court  on  a  summer  evening,  suggests  the 
neighborliness  of  village  days.  Nothing  in  the  surroundings, 
however,  bears  out  the  suggestion.  Accumulations  of  rubbish 
and  broken  brick  pavements  render  the  courts  as  a  whole  untidy 
and  unwholesome.  Some  of  the  houses  have  small  porches  that 
might  give  a  sense  of  homelikeness,  but  for  the  most  part  they  are 
bare  and  dingy.  As  the  houses  are  built  close  to  the  street  with 
only  this  busy  court  behind,  the  tenant  can  scarcely  have  that  bit 
of  garden  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  former  country  dwellers.  Only 
here  and  there  a  little  bed  of  lettuce  with  its  note  of  delicate 
green  or  the  vivid  red  of  a  geranium  blossom  brightens  the  mo- 
notony. Dreary  as  is  the  exterior,  however,  the  evils  to  the 
dwellers  in  the  court  lie  deeper;  in  the  inadequate  water  supply, 
in  meagre  toilet  facilities,  and  in  overcrowding. 

The  deficiency  in  the  water  supply  is  serious.   In  the  2 1  courts, 

*  Of  these,  168  were  Slovaks,  22  Hungarians,  16  Russians,  10  Poles  and  23 
Slavs  of  other  origins. 

f  Only  four  had  more  than  six  rooms. 
136 


THE    SLAVS 

only  three  families,  as  stated,  had  running  water  in  their  homes. 
In  no  court  were  fewer  than  five  families  using  one  yard  hydrant 
or  pump,  while  in  exceptional  instances  it  was  the  sole  supply  of 
as  many  as  twenty.  As  waste-water  pipes  were  also  lacking  in 
the  houses,  the  heavy  tubs  of  water  had  to  be  carried  out  as 
well  as  in,  and  this  in  a  smoky  town  where  a  double  amount  of 
washing  and  cleaning  is  necessary.  When  the  weather  permitted, 
the  heavy  washes  were  done  in  the  yard.  The  pavement  of  a 
populous  court  covered  with  tubs,  wringers,  clothes  baskets,  and 
pools  of  soapy  water,  is  a  poor  playground  for  children. 

The  toilet  accommodations,  while  possibly  more  adequate 
than  the  water  supply,  are  a  menace  to  health  in  consequence  of 
the  lack  of  running  water.  There  was  not  one  indoor  closet  in 
any  of  these  courts.  The  streets  of  Homestead  all  have  sewers, 
and  by  a  borough  ordinance  even  the  outside  vaults  must  be  con- 
nected with  them.  These  are,  however,  ordinarily  flushed  only 
by  the  waste  water  which  flows  directly  into  them  from  the  yards. 
When  conditions  become  unbearable,  the  tenants  wash  the  vaults 
out  with  a  hose  attached  to  the  hydrant.  As  long  as  the  closets 
remain  in  the  yards,  it  is  difficult  to  introduce  a  system  of  flushing 
because  of  the  danger  that  the  pipes  will  freeze  in  winter.  The 
vaults  are  usually  in  the  center  of  the  court  only  a  few  yards  from 
the  kitchen  doors,  and  create  from  the  point  of  view  either  of 
sanitation  or  decency,  an  intolerable  condition.  While  occasionally 
three  or  four  families  must  use  one  compartment,  usually  only  two 
families  do  so.  But  even  this  means  frequently  that  the  closets 
are  not  locked  and  that  no  one  has  a  special  sense  of  responsi- 
bility for  their  condition;  in  consequence  they  are  often  filthy. 

The  Slavic  courts  of  Homestead  typify  the  conditions  which 
result  when  an  industrial  district  is  invaded  by  hundreds  of 
unskilled  immigrant  laborers,  largely  single  men,  largely  country 
people,  who  want  a  place  to  sleep  for  the  least  possible  cash.  Most 
of  the  petty  local  landlords  who  provide  these  quarters  care  nothing 
for  the  condition  of  their  places  and  regard  the  wages  of  these 
transients  as  fair  spoils. 


137 


CHAPTER  X 
LIFE   AT  $1.65  A   DAY 

TO  sum  up  the  situation,  then,  we  find  a  group  of  slow, 
hard-working  country  people,  ambitious  to  attain  pros- 
perity, coming  in  large  numbers  in  response  to  the  de- 
mand of  the  mills  for  strong,  unskilled  labor.  The  mill  offers 
them  its  lowest  wage;  the  community  meets  them  with  indif- 
ference; the  landlords  exploit  their  helplessness.  There  is  no 
reason  for  surprise,  then,  that  the  inability  of  these  people  to 
understand  or  cope  with  the  adverse  conditions  which  await 
them  results  in  much  unwholesome  living. 

Let  us  turn  from  general  facts  and  consider,  in  the  first 
place,  how  the  economic  problem  of  life  can  be  worked  out  on 
$1.65  a  day. 

With  the  single  men  the  problem  is  of  course  a  simple  one. 
Many  care  little  how  they  live  so  long  as  they  live  cheaply.  One 
of  the  lodging  houses  which  I  visited  during  the  depression  con- 
sisted of  two  rooms  one  above  the  other,  each  measuring  perhaps  12 
by  20  feet.  In  the  kitchen  was  the  wife  of  the  boarding  boss  getting 
dinner, — some  sort  of  hot  apple  cake  and  a  stew  of  the  cheapest 
cuts  of  meats.  Along  one  side  of  the  room  was  an  oilcloth-covered 
table  with  a  plank  bench  on  each  side;  above  it  a  rack  holding  a 
long  row  of  handleless  white  cups  and  a  shelf  with  tin  knives  and 
forks.  Near  the  up-to-date  range,  the  only  piece  of  real  furniture 
in  the  room,  hung  the  "buckets"  in  which  all  mill  men  carry  their 
noon  or  midnight  meals.  A  crowd  of  men  were  lounging  cheer- 
fully about,  talking,  smoking  and  enjoying  life,  making  the  most 
of  the  leisure  enforced  by  the  shut-down  in  the  mill.  In  the  room 
above,  double  iron  bedsteads  were  set  close  together  and  on  them 
comfortables  were  neatly  laid.  In  these  two  rooms,  besides  the 
"  boarding  boss,"  a  stalwart  Bulgarian,  his  wife  and  two  babies, 
lived  20  men. 

,38 


LIFE    AT   $1.65    A    DAY 

The  "boarding  boss"  runs  the  house  and  the  men  pay  $3.00 
a  month  for  a  place  to  sleep,  for  having  their  clothes  washed  and 
their  food  cooked.  In  addition  an  account  is  kept  of  the  food 
purchased  and  the  total  is  divided  among  the  men  on  pay  day. 
The  housewife  also  purchases  and  cooks  any  special  food  a  man 
orders;  beef,  pork,  lamb,  each  with  a  tag  of  some  sort  labeling 
the  order,  will  all  be  fried  together.  A  separate  statement  for 
each  boarder  is  kept  of  these  expenses.  Such  an  account  for  a 
group  of  men  in  a  small  Slavic  household  may  prove  of  interest. 
The  family  (which  consisted  of  a  man,  his  wife,  his  brother, 
three  children  aged  eleven,  eight,  and  one,  and  four  boarders), 
occupied  a  house  of  four  rooms,  one  of  them  dark,  for  which  they 
paid  a  rent  of  $14.  The  man,  though  he  had  been  in  this  country 
about  twenty-one  years,  still  earned  only  $10.80  a  week  with  which 
to  meet  the  needs  of  a  growing  family.  One-half  the  cost  of  the  food 
was  paid  by  the  boarders  including  the  brother,  and  amounted  for 
each  man  to  about  $  1 .06  a  week.  The  expenditures  for  the  week  for 
the  whole  family  of  seven  adults  and  three  children  were  as  follows: 

Vegetables $  '-°6 

Fruit 50 

Milk,  eggs,  etc »-98 

Sugar 49 

Sundries 7° 

Meat 578 


Total 


.$10.63 


The  following  table  made  up  from  the  account  book  shows  the 
men's  individual  likings  as  expressed  in  the  "extras"  they  ordered: 

TABLE    30. — FOOD    PURCHASED    ON    SPECIAL   ORDER    FOR    BOARDERS 
DURING    MONTH    ACCOUNT   WAS    KEPT 


Article 

Pamhay 

Baker 

Droby 

Pilicb 

Timke 

Beef       .       . 

f  .87 

$1.20 

%  .48 

Pork      .       . 

¥3-71 

.92 

?2.I4 

3.04 

2.30 

Veal       .       . 

.90 

Eggs      .       . 

.10 

.05 

Milk       . 

.21 

.90 

Cheese   . 

.10 

.19 

.09 

.05 

Fruit      . 

••5 

•25 

Total  . 

$3.96 

$334 

$3.04 

$4-43 

$2.88 

'39 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

The  average  expense  for  each  man,  including  his  share  of 
the  general  sum,  together  with  the  amount  spent  individually, 
was  about  $8.02  a  month.  Adding  $3.00  a  month  for  room  and 
washing,  the  total  expense  to  each  was  about  $11  a  month.  In 
prosperous  times  these  men  make  regularly  $9.90,  which  may  be 
increased  when  they  work  more  than  10  hours  a  day,  and  on  Sun- 
day, to  as  high  as  $12  a  week.*  It  is  obvious,  therefore,  that  if 
the  fixed  expenditure  of  these  single  men  is  about  $3.00  a  week, 
a  large  margin  remains  over  and  above  clothes  either  for  saving 
or  indulgence.  They  can  thus  send  for  wife  and  children,  fulfill 
their  duties  to  aged  parents,  live  high  according  to  their  lights,  or 
make  provision  for  their  own  future. 

While  this  program  is  an  economical  one,  it  by  no  means 
furnishes  to  this  group  of  homeless  foreigners  a  normal  life. 
Though  some  expect  to  return  and  others  to  send  for  their  families 
when  they  have  made  their  fortunes,  all  for  the  time  being  are  in  a 
strange  country  with  neither  the  pleasures  nor  the  restraints  of 
home  life.  As  in  all  barracks  life,  drunkenness  and  immorality 
are  common. 

But  while  50.5  per  cent  of  the  Slavs  employed  in  the  mill 
are  single,  the  remainder  have  families  to  support,  usually  on  this 
same  wage.  How  does  this  other  half  live?  Let  us  take  the 
average  expenditures  of  ten  Slavic  budget  families  (without 
boarders)  earning  less  than  $12  a  week,  whose  total  average  ex- 
penditure was  $10.03  a  week,  13  cents  above  the  usual  day  labor- 
er's wage  of  $9.90.     The  figures  are  as  follows: 

Food $4.64 

Rent 1.62 

Fuel 27 

Clothing     .        .        .        -i-57 
Other   housekeeping   ex- 
penses      13 

We  may  consider  the  distribution  of  expenditure  in  this 
group  as  fairly  representative  of  the  amount  of  money  that  the 
majority  of  the  Slavs  can  count  upon  unless  they  work  overtime 
or  increase  their  income  by  taking  lodgers.  The  $1.62  a  week  for 
rent  provides  only  a  one  or  two-room  tenement,  two  rooms  in  one 

*  While  men  engaged  in  the  processes  in  steel  mills  work  12  hours,  the  nomi- 
nal day  of  yard  laborers  is  10  hours. 

140 


Tobacco     . 

.        .$  .07 

Liquor 
Medicine     . 
Furniture   . 

.        .     .55 

Insurance  . 
Other  . 

.        .     .77 
.     .41 

LIFE    AT   $1.65    A    DAY 

of  the  undesirable  houses  costing  $8.00  a  month.  This  is  plainly 
too  low  a  housing  standard  for  any  family.  With  an  average 
expenditure  in  this  group  of  I4.64  a  week,  the  cost  of  food  for  the 
average  family  would  equal  20  cents  a  day  per  grown  man,  two 
cents  a  day  less  than  Professor  Underhill's  estimate  for  essentials, 
five  cents  a  day  less  than  the  general  run  of  Homestead  house- 
keepers got  along  on  in  hard  times.  As  the  Slavic  accounts  were 
not  kept  in  sufficient  detail  it  is  difficult  to  show  the  food  value  of 
their  provisions,  but  the  statement  of  the  average  expenditure 
of  one  family,  including  a  man,  his  wife  and  three  children,  twelve, 
three  years,  and  nine  months  old,  may  give  a  suggestion  as  to  the 
kind  of  food  purchased.  This  family  was  dependent  on  the 
man's  earnings  of  $9.90  a  week. 

TABLE    31.— FOOD    EXPENDITURES    OF    A    SLAVIC    FAMILY    FOR   ONE 

WEEK 

Article  Cost 

Bread $  -75 

Bakers' food 03 

Meat >-40 

Flour 26 

Potatoes 25 

Other  vegetables 09 

Dried  beans 06 

Eggs 24 

Milk 11 

Butter 38 

Cheese 05 

Fresh  fruit >3 

Sugar >4 

Tea 08 

Coffee 76 

Sundries 40 

Total $5-'9 

Average  a  day 74 

Average  a  day  per  grown  man 23 

While  the  sum  expended  was  slightly  more  than  22  cents, 
a  rough  calculation  indicated  that  the  nutritive  value  of  the  food 
was  a  little  below  the  requisite  amount.  In  all  probability  these 
Slavic  women  are  not  skilful  buyers, — the  accounts  consist  of  a 
rather  monotonous  alternation  of  "bread,  meat — bread,  meat" 
that  does  not  promise  an  inspiring  diet.  As  many  of  the  wives 
are  burdened  by  the  extra  work  involved  in  taking  lodgers,  and 

141 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

as  the  men  do  heavy  work  and  are  hearty  eaters,  they  choose  food 
that  is  quick  to  prepare,  and  that  satisfies  appetite  with  the  least 
effort  rather  than  at  the  lowest  cost.  This  probably  accounts  for 
the  preference  for  meat  in  place  of  vegetables  which  would  not 
otherwise  be  expected  in  country-bred  people. 

The  expenditure  for  clothing  among  the  ten  families  con- 
sidered was  below  what  Mr.  Chapin  estimated  was  essential  in 
New  York,  though  it  formed  a  slightly  larger  percentage  than  in 
American  families  in  the  same  income  group.  No  money  was 
expended  for  furniture;  a  fact  borne  out  by  the  utter  barrenness  of 
the  two-room  homes  of  many  of  the  laborers.  With  the  exception 
of  insurance,  the  value  of  which  as  we  shall  see  is  fully  appre- 
ciated, and  the  comparatively  high  expenditure  for  liquor,  these 
figures  surely  indicate  that  life  measured  in  terms  of  possessions 
is  at  a  low  ebb  among  these  Slavic  laborers.  There  was  but  $  .41 
left  for  amusements,  for  church,  for  education.  And  what  had 
become  of  the  margin  which  was  to  make  possible  the  attainment 
of  that  old-country  ambition,  a  bit  of  property  or  a  bank  account  ? 
Some  other  means  must  be  found  to  achieve  these  ends. 

What  that  device  is  we  saw  in  our  study  of  the  21  Slavic 
courts,  when  we  found  that  102  families  out  of  239  took  lodgers.* 
The  income  from  this  source  is  no  mean  item.  Of  the  102  families, 
three-quarters  received  from  lodgers  a  sum  at  least  the  equivalent 
of  the  rent,  while  a  fifth  received  twice  the  amount  of  the  rent  or 
more.  If  we  compare  the  income  from  lodgers  with  the  man's 
wages,  we  find  that  in  over  half  it  added  25  per  cent  or  more  to 
the  family's  earnings.  A  glance  at  the  sources  of  income  of  the 
budget  families  suggests   that  among  the  Slavs  themselves  the 

*The  ways  by  which  families  increase  their  income  in  order  to  get  ahead 
are  indicated  by  these  notes  of  the  Slavic  investigator  in  regard  to  families  which 
had  bought  homes. 

"JohnC .     Woman  goes  out  cleaning  and  cooking.     By  doing 

this  she  has  been  able  to  add  her  earnings  to  her  husband's  so  as  to  pay  for 
the  property  they  now  own." 

"The  mother  took  boarders  till  too  old.  Now  the  daughter  does  not 
prove  to  be  a  good  housekeeper"  (perhaps  because  this  was  poor  training 
for  the  future). 

"Mrs.  Y.  since  her  marriage  has  gone  out  to  work  by  the  day,  and 
then  done  washings  in  the  evenings — she  also  has  a  boarder  who  pays  $18 
a  month.  But  she  no  longer  goes  out  to  work  since  they  have  paid  for 
their  home." 

142 


LIFE    AT   $1.65    A    DAY 

wages  of  an  unskilled  laborer  are  considered  insufficient  to  support 
a  family,  even  according  to  the  standards  of  the  Second  Ward.* 
Single  men,  then,  who  must  find  homes,  and  families  with 
small  wages  who  want  to  save,  together  give  rise  to  the  lodging 
and  boarding  system  of  the  Slavic  courts.  The  outcome  is  over- 
crowding. Of  the  102  families  taking  lodgers,  62  had  four  lodgers 
or  less;  33  from  five  to  nine  lodgers;  seven  from  10  to  15  lodgers. 


TABLE  32. — TWO  HUNDRED  AND  THIRTY-NINE  SLAVIC  FAMILIES 
IN  21  COURTS. — BY  NUMBER,  NATIONALITY^  AND  NUMBER  OF 
LODGERS 


Families  Having  Lodgers 

Nationality  of 

Total 
Families 

Having  no 
Lodgers 

Lodgers 

i-4 

5-9 

10-15 

Total 

Slovak 

168 

107 

44 

16 

1 

61 

Pole     . 

10 

7 

3 

3 

Hungarian 

22 

1 1 

4 

1 

1 1 

Russian 

16 

6 

5 

5 

16 

Croatian 

6 

2 

4 

6 

Lithuanian 

4 

2 

2 

2 

Others. 

>3 

10 

1 

2 

3 

Total    . 

239 

'37 

62 

33 

7 

102 

Even  among  the  families  that  did  not  take  lodgers,  half 
averaged  over  two  persons  to  the  room.  Of  those  who  did  take 
lodgers,  all  but  15  suffered  this  same  degree  of  overcrowding. 
Forty-three  lived  three  to  the  room,  31  four,  seven  five,  and 
six  more  than  five  to  the  room.  It  is  in  itself  a  proof  of  the 
meagre  standards  of  home  life,  that  of  the  102  families  who  took 
lodgers,  71  lived  in  two-room  tenements,  where  obviously  there 
were  no  superfluous  rooms  to  be  rented  and  where  this  economy 

*  Appendix  I,  Tables  2  and  3,  p.  201 

f  As  70  per  cent  of  the  families  living  in  these  courts  were  Slovaks,  with  the 
remainder  scattered  among  many  different  Slavic  races,  it  is  perhaps  fruitless  to 
attempt  any  conclusions  as  to  racial  distinctions  in  the  matter  of  overcrowding. 
But  in  the  accompanying  table  it  is  to  be  noted  that  among  the  Russians  not  only 
were  there  no  families  without  lodgers,  but  that  they  had  also  the  largest  number 
of  families  with  over  ten  lodgers. 

•43 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

involved  the  overcrowding  of  space  already  inadequate.  Of  the 
71  families  in  two-room  tenements,  55  had  three  or  more  persons 
to  the  room,  27  had  four  or  more  persons,  and  8  had  five  or  more. 


TABLE  33. — NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  PER  ROOM  IN  THE  21  COURTS  IN 
FAMILIES  WHICH  TOOK  LODGERS  COMPARED  WITH  THE  NUMBER 
IN  FAMILIES  WHICH  DID  NOT  TAKE  LODGERS,  JANUARY,   I908 


Families  Having  an  Average  per  Room  of 

Total  Families 

1 
Person 

2 
Persons 

Persons 

4 
Persons 

Persons 

More 
than  5 

With  lodgers,  102 
Without  lodgers,  137. 

6 
19 

9 

49 

43 
52 

3' 
'3 

7 

2 

6 

2 

Totals  . 

25 

58 

95 

44 

9 

8 

This  study  was  made  in  1908  and  the  extent  of  overcrowd- 
ing was  far  less  than  during  the  previous  summer,  since  with 
the  business  depression  of  1908  hundreds  of  men,  especially  those 
without  families,  had  returned  to  the  old  country. 

We  have  now  fairly  complete  before  us  the  picture  of  the 
household  establishment  in  which  the  family  of  the  Slavic  immi- 
grant takes  up  life  in  Homestead.  Wages  at  16^  cents  an  hour 
and  the  lodger  as  a  means  for  supplementing  them,  are  its  chief 
factors.  Taking  lodgers  is  not  giving  a  home  to  a  friend  from  the 
old  country  nor  letting  an  extra  room;  it  is  a  deliberate  business 
venture  on  the  part  of  a  family  to  increase  the  inadequate  income 
from  the  man's  earnings.  This  thrifty  measure  may  seem  to  the 
reader  a  wise  means  of  solving  the  problem.  It  is  only  as  he 
comes  to  know  the  actual  effects  on  home  life  that  he  realizes  the 
iniquity  of  a  system  which  makes  this  necessary  to  attain  the 
altogether  natural  ambition  to  own  a  home  or  save  a  thousand 
dollars, — or  even  for  a  husband  to  have  his  wife  and  children 
about  him. 

We  have  yet  to  see  what  life  at  this  level  means  as  a  basis  for 
rearing  children,  as  affording  human  recreations,  and  as  a  foot- 
hold for  getting  on  in  the  world. 

144 


CHAPTER  XI 
FAMILY    LIFE   OF   THE    SLAVS 

ONE  morning  I  entered  a  two-room  tenement.  The 
kitchen,  perhaps  15  by  12  feet,  was  steaming  with  vapor 
from  a  big  washtub  set  on  a  chair  in  the  middle  of  the 
room.  The  mother  was  trying  to  wash  and  at  the  same  time  to 
keep  the  older  of  her  two  babies  from  tumbling  into  the  tub  full  of 
scalding  water  that  was  standing  on  the  floor.  On  one  side  of  the 
room  was  a  huge  puffy  bed,  with  one  feather  tick  to  sleep  on  and 
another  for  covering;  near  the  window  stood  a  sewing  machine;  in 
the  corner,  an  organ, — all  these,  besides  the  inevitable  cook  stove 
upon  which  in  the  place  of  honor  was  simmering  the  evening's 
soup.  Upstairs  in  the  second  room  were  one  boarder  and  the 
man  of  the  house  asleep.  Two  more  boarders  were  at  work,  but 
at  night  would  be  home  to  sleep  in  the  bed  from  which  the  others 
would  get  up.  Picture  if  you  will  what  a  week  or  a  season 
means  to  a  mother  in  such  a  home,  the  overwork,  the  brief  respite 
from  toil — to  be  increased  afterward — when  the  babies  come  ? 

Yet  it  is  even  more  disastrous  to  the  children  both  in  health 
and  character.  In  the  courts  studied,  out  of  102  families  who  took 
lodgers,  72  had  children;  of  these,  25  families  had  two,  10  had  three, 
and  seven  had  four.  There  were  138  youngsters  in  all.  A  com- 
parison of  births  and  deaths  of  children  under  two,  shown  in  the 
tables  on  the  following  page,  shows  that  among  the  Slavs  one 
child  under  two  years  of  age  dies  to  every  three  children  born ; 
among  the  English-speaking  Europeans,  one  dies  to  every  seven 
born;  among  the  native  whites  and  colored,  one  to  every  five. 
In  the  crowded  Second  Ward,  taking  all  races,  one  child  under 
two  dies  to  every  three  born, — compared  with  one  to  every  four 
in  the  First  Ward,  one  to  every  five  in  the  Fifth,  one  to  every 
eight  in  the  Third,  and  one  to  every  seven  in  the  Fourth. 
10  145 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


TABLE  34. — NUMBER  OF  BIRTHS  IN  EACH  WARD  IN  HOMESTEAD 
FOR  I907. — BY  RACIAL  GROUP 


Ward 

Racial  Group 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

Total 

Slav 

Eng.  sp.  Eur 

Native  White  and  Colored     . 

23 
'7 
39 

338 
41 
37 

34 
23 

55 

5 

19 
27 

16 

27 
55 

416 
127 
213 

Total 

79 

416 

1 12 

5' 

98 

756 

TABLE  35. — NUMBER  OF  DEATHS  OF  CHILDREN  UNDER  TWO  YEARS 
OF  AGE  IN  EACH  WARD  IN  HOMESTEAD  FOR  I907. — BY  RACIAL 
GROUP 


Ward 

Racial  Group 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

Total 

Slav 

Eng.  sp.  Eur 

Native  White  and  Colored     . 

5 
2 
12 

"3 
9 
10 

6 

2 
6 

3 
1 

3 

6 

4 
9 

"3 

40 

Total 

19 

132 

'4 

7 

19 

191 

TABLE  36.— RATIO  OF  BIRTHS  IN  EACH  WARD  IN  HOMESTEAD  IN 
I907  TO  DEATHS  OF  CHILDREN  UNDER  TWO  IN  THE  SAME 
WARD. — BY  RACIAL  GROUP 


Ward 

Racial  Group 

• 

2 

3 

4 

5 

Total  . 

Slav 

Eng.  sp.  Eur 

Native  White  and  Colored     . 

Proportions  between  total  number 
of  births  and  deaths  under  two 
in  each  ward        .... 

4.6 
8.5 
3-3 

4.2 

32 
4.6 

3-7 
3-2 

5-7 
11.; 
9.2 

8.0 

'•7 
19.0 
9.0 

7-3 

2-7 

6.8 
6.1 

5-2 

3' 
7.0 

5-3 

4.0 

146 


FAMILY    LIFE    OF   THE    SLAVS 

Against  many  of  these  deaths  was  the  physician's  entry 
"malnutrition  due  to  poor  food  and  overcrowding";  that  is,  the 
mother  too  poor,  too  busy,  and  too  ignorant  to  prepare  food  prop- 
erly, rooms  over-tenanted,  and  courts  too  confined  to  give  the 
fresh  air  essential  for  the  physical  development  of  children.  A 
priest  told  me  he  believed  that  the  taking  of  lodgers  caused  the 
appalling  death  rate  among  the  babies  in  his  parish.  Neither 
preaching  nor  pointing  out  to  women  personally  the  folly  of  the 
economy  had  sufficed  to  check  the  habit. 

Not  only  is  the  mother  too  busy  to  give  much  time  to  her 
babies,  but  she  also  suffers  from  overwork  during  pregnancy  and 
from  lack  of  proper  care  afterward.  Housework  must  be  done, 
boarders  must  be  fed,  and  most  women  work  until  the  day  of 
confinement.  In  accordance  with  their  home  customs,  almost 
all  of  them  employ  midwives  and  call  a  doctor  only  in  an  emer- 
gency. 1  was  told  by  a  local  physician  that  nearly  half  of  the 
births  in  Homestead,  the  large  proportion  of  them  among  the 
Slavic  people,  were  attended  by  midwives.  These  women,  who 
charge  $5.00  or  $10,  include  in  their  services  the  care  of  both 
woman  and  child  for  several  days,  and  thus  perform  the  services 
of  trained  nurse  as  well  as  doctor.  While  of  the  21  midwives 
registered  in  Homestead,  five  or  six  have  diplomas  from  schools 
of  midwifery  abroad,  most  of  them  are  ignorant  and  are  careless 
about  cleanliness.  In  a  paper  before  the  Allegheny  County  Med- 
ical Society,  Dr.  Purman,  a  local  physician,  reported  numerous 
instances  where  both  mother  and  child  had  suffered  serious  injury 
from  the  ignorance  of  these  women. 

The  necessity  for  mothers  to  be  up  and  at  work  within 
three  or  four  days  adds  to  the  harm.  In  at  least  10  of  the  29  Slavic 
families  visited,  special  reference  was  made  by  the  Slavic  investi- 
gator to  the  ill  health  of  the  mother  due  to  overwork  and  to  lack 
of  proper  care  during  confinement.  The  strength  to  bear  much 
doubtless  comes  to  these  women  from  years  of  work  in  the  fields, 
but  the  change  to  the  hot  kitchens  where  their  work  is  now 
done  undoubtedly  entails  a  strain  which  not  only  injures  them 
but  lessens  the  vitality  of  the  children.  This  weakened  con- 
dition at  birth  combines  with  the  inadequate  food  and  insuffi- 
cient air  and  the  neglect  which  comes  through  over-burdening  the 
mother  to  produce  the  appalling  infant  death  rate  in  these  courts. 

•47 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Yet  sometimes  as  you  watch  the  stunted,  sickly  looking 
children,  you  wonder  if  the  real  tragedy  does  not  lie  rather  in  the 
miserable  future  in  store  for  the  babies  who  live,  many  of  them 
with  undervitalized  systems  which  may  make  them  victims  either 
of  disease  or  of  the  dissipation  that  often  fastens  upon  weak  wills 
and  weak  bodies. 

Keeping  lodgers  ruins  the  training  as  well  as  the  health  of 
the  children.  The  overworked  mother  has  neither  time  nor  pa- 
tience for  wise  discipline.  As  the  men  who  work  on  night  turns 
must  sleep  during  the  day,  crying  babies  must  not  be  allowed  to 
disturb  this  uneasy  rest.  All  this  adds  to  the  mother's  weary 
irritation  and  makes  it  harder  to  maintain  any  sort  of  uniform 
control.  This  failure  of  intelligent  discipline  was  noticeable  in 
most  of  the  families  I  visited,  where  cuffs  and  sharp  words  were  the 
usual  form  of  correction.  One  of  the  Protestant  missions  which 
tried  through  mothers'  meetings  to  give  the  women  some  sugges- 
tions as  to  child  training,  found  them  too  busy  to  come.  For- 
tunately, however,  the  children  who  attend  the  public  schools 
receive  some  training.  This  the  parents  value.  A  teacher  in 
the  Second  Ward  school  said  that  while  she  had  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  in  teaching  the  Slavic  children  obedience,  she  at  least  found 
the  parents  willing  to  uphold  her  in  whatever  action  she  took. 

Even  more  serious  is  the  injury  to  the  moral  tone  of  the  Slavic 
community  caused  by  the  crowding  together  of  single  men  and 
families.  In  only  four  instances  in  the  courts  studied  were  lodgers 
found  in  families  where  there  were  girls  over  fourteen,  but  even 
younger  children  learn  evil  quickly  from  the  free-spoken  men. 
With  the  husband  at  work  on  the  night  shift  the  situation  is  aggra- 
vated, and  reports  are  current  of  gross  immorality  on  the  part  of 
some  women  who  keep  lodgers;  two  or  three  actual  instances 
came  to  my  knowledge  from  unquestioned  sources.  Since  half 
the  families  in  the  courts  studied  used  the  kitchen  as  a  sleeping 
room,  there  was  close  mingling  of  lodgers  and  family  among  them. 
This  becomes  intolerable  when  families  living  in  but  two  rooms 
take  lodgers.  This  was  true,  as  we  have  seen,  in  71  instances. 
Even  when  extreme  crowding  does  not  exist,  family  and  lodgers 
often  all  sleep  in  the  kitchen,  the  only  warm  room,  in  winter. 

Certainly   there  is  little  to  quicken  mental  and  spiritual 


• 

i 
1 

0 

1 

i 

'■v 

3*    ',-      '''##'''  ' 

Out  of  Work 
Homestead  Court,  Spring  of  1908 


FAMILY    LIFE    OF   THE    SLAVS 

development  in  these  crowded  tenements  where  there  is  neither 
privacy  nor  even  that  degree  of  silence  necessary  for  reading. 
We  agree  in  the  abstract  that  the  individual  needs  room  for 
growth,  yet  complain  of  the  stunted  mental  stature  of  these 
people  who  have  the  meagre  development  of  seedlings  grown  in  a 
mass. 

Moreover,  families  who  live  in  narrow  quarters  have  no 
room  for  festive  gatherings.  In  the  evening  a  group  often  gathers 
around  the  stove  gossiping  of  home  days,  playing  cards,  drinking, 
and  playing  simple  musical  instruments.  On  the  Saturday  after 
pay  day  the  household  usually  clubs  together  to  buy  a  case 
of  beer  which  it  drinks  at  home.  These  ordinarily  jovial  gath- 
erings are  sometimes  interrupted  by  fights  and  the  police  have 
to  be  called  in.  One  officer  who  had  been  on  the  force  for  nine 
years  said  that  these  men  were  generally  good-natured  and  easy- 
going, and  in  all  his  experience  he  had  never  arrested  a  sober 
"  Hunkie";  it  was  when  they  were  drunk  that  the  trouble  began. 
The  punishment  usually  inflicted  for  disorderly  conduct  in  Home- 
stead, a  small  fine,  has  little  deterrent  effect  among  the  Slavs.  It 
is  indeed  currently  said  that  some  are  proud  of  having  a  large  fine 
imposed,  as  they  feel  that  it  indicates  increased  importance. 
Usually,  however,  they  gather  without  disturbance  simply  to  chat 
and  drink,  to  pass  the  hours  after  the  day's  work. 

The  women  have  few  opportunities  for  relaxation.  Some- 
times they  gossip  around  the  pump  or  at  the  butcher's,  but  wash- 
ing, ironing,  cleaning,  sewing  and  cooking  for  the  boarders  leave 
little  time  for  visiting.  The  young  people  perhaps  suffer  most 
from  the  lack  of  home  festivities.  A  two-room  house  has  no  place 
for  games  or  "parties,"  or  even  for  courting;  there  is  not  even 
space  enough,  to  say  nothing  of  privacy.  So  young  folks  are 
driven  to  the  streets  for  their  gayety.  Almost  the  only  time  when 
the  house  is  really  the  scene  of  festivity  is  when  those  primal 
events,  birth,  and  marriage,  and  death,  bring  together  both  the 
old-time  friends  and  the  new  neighbors. 

On  most  of  these  occasions,  whether  weddings,  christenings  or 
funerals,  joy  and  grief  and  religious  ceremony  are  alike  forgotten 
in  a  riotous  good  time.  The  weddings  are  the  gayest  affairs  in 
the  life  of  the  community.     After  the  morning  service  at  the 

'49 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

church,  all  return  home  if  the  house  is  big  enough,  and  if  not, 
they  go  to  a  hall,  and  there  the  dancing  begins.  Each  man 
pays  what  he  can,  usually  a  dollar,  for  the  privilege  of  dancing  with 
the  bride,  and  the  money — their  form  of  a  wedding  present — 
helps  furnish  the  home  for  the  young  couple.  At  one  wedding 
during  the  winter  $75  was  thus  received,  but  the  girl  by  evening 
felt  that  she  had  earned  the  money.  In  the  afternoon  the  drinking 
begins  and  by  midnight  the  revel  is  at  its  height.  The  neighbor- 
hood considers  a  family  under  obligation  to  provide  these  fes- 
tivities. I  was  told  of  one  pathetic  instance  where  a  woman,  as 
she  was  very  ill,  did  not  invite  any  one  to  her  baby's  christening. 
Her  offended  neighbors  refused  to  visit  her,  but  when  she  died 
they  were  ready  enough  to  come  to  the  funeral  and  share  in  the 
drinking. 

Some  old-world  customs,  too,  are  maintained  which  seem 
strangely  at  variance  with  new-world  conditions.  All  summer 
over  the  doors  and  windows  are  seen  dried,  smoke  begrimed 
branches  from  which  the  faded  leaves  hang  disconsolately.  These 
decorations  are  part  of  a  joyous  religious  festival  in  the  spring  time 
similar  to  those  that  added  merriment  to  the  village  life  at  home. 
At  Eastertide  they  keep  up  an  old  custom,  said  to  date  from 
pagan  days.  On  Monday  the  men  go  about  with  willow  branches 
and  switch  the  women  until  they  make  them  a  present,  while  on 
the  following  day  the  women  retaliate  by  throwing  water  on  the 
men. 

In  other  superficial  habits  of  life  they  show  themselves 
eager  to  adopt  American  customs.  This  tendency  is  clearly — 
sometimes  humorously— exemplified  in  the  quickness  with  which 
they  adopt  our  style  of  clothing.  The  men  on  Sunday  can  often 
be  differentiated  from  the  American  workmen  only  by  the  unmis- 
takable Slavic  type  of  face.  Even  in  their  own  homes  the  women 
quickly  adopt  the  machine-made  cotton  wrapper  and  on  Sunday 
the  streets  blossom  with  cheap  ready-made  adornments.  I  was 
fairly  startled  by  one  apparition  in  a  gay  pink  hat,  crude  blue 
skirt,  and  green  silk  waist  that  no  grass  in  Homestead  could  hope 
to  vie  with,  all  products  of  a  department  store,  which  evidently 
gave  the  wearer  a  proud  sense  of  being  dressed  like  other  Ameri- 
cans.    As  I  stood  Easter  Sunday  watching  the  kneeling  women, 

150 


FAMILY    LIFE    OF    THE    SLAVS 

the  mass  of  vivid  colors  showed  how  easily  they  copy  the  less  de- 
sirable habits  of  their  native  born  sisters.  If  opportunity  offered 
they  would  doubtless  be  as  ready  to  pick  up  our  customs  in  other 
more  essential  matters. 

Lack  of  intercourse,  however,  hinders.  The  Slavs  must 
keep  up  their  own  festivities  the  more  because  they  cannot  join  in 
the  amusements  of  the  rest  of  the  community.  To  the  better  class 
of  entertainments  they  are  not  welcomed,  and  to  others  the  differ- 
ence in  speech  is  still  a  barrier.  Obviously  the  theatre,  and  even 
in  a  measure  the  nickelodeons,  are  uninteresting  to  those  who  can- 
not understand  the  language.  Thus  cut  off  from  what  little  normal 
amusement  Homestead  offers,  they  cling  to  the  few  festivities  their 
limited  opportunities  make  possible. 

In  summer  there  are  of  course  more  chances  for  recreation; 
trolley  rides  and  picnics  in  the  park  make  a  welcome  variety  from 
the  heat  of  the  courts.  The  following  statements,  taken  from  the 
notes  of  the  Slavic  woman  who  assisted  in  making  the  investiga- 
tion, tell  the  story  simply: 

— They  do  not  go  to  amusements  of  any  kind  on  account 
of  being  so  poor  and  feel  so  badly  after  they  have  finished 
their  day's  work. 

— Husband  and  wife  go  to  the  lodge  dances,  which  they 
enjoy  very  much.  Wife  goes  to  the  five  cent  theatres,  to  the 
parks  in  the  summer  and  for  trolley  rides.  Is  fond  of  all 
Kinds  of  amusements  and  goes  when  they  can  afford  it. 

— The  family  have  no  amusements  at  all  outside  of  their 
own  home,  simply  because  they  cannot  afford  it.  They 
would  like  to  be  able  to  go  to  some  places  of  amusement,  if 
they  could.  Spend  their  Sundays  at  home  in  a  pleasant  way. 
The  mother  and  children  go  to  church  every  Saturday  eve- 
ning to  say  the  rosary,  which  is  one  of  their  chief  pleasures. 

Starting  in  with  such  a  household  as  that  described  at  the 
opening  of  this  chapter,  how  far  do  any  of  these  Slavic  families 
succeed  in  working  out  ideals  they  have  set  for  themselves  ? 

If  we  turn  from  the  crowded  courts  with  their  two-room 
tenements  to  the  homes  of  some  who  have  attained  their  ambitions, 
we  find  conditions  that  show  an  inherent  capacity  for  advancement 
in  the  race.  As  an  illustration,  note  the  change  in  type  in  two 
houses,  the  homes  of  families  from  the  same  place  in  the  old  coun- 

'5' 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

try,  the  one  newcomers,  the  other  among  the  "oldest  inhabitants" 
of  the  Slavic  community.  The  first  family  live  in  a  one-room 
tenement,  where  even  though  the  furniture  includes  only  absolute 
necessities,  it  is  hard  to  keep  all  the  crowded  belongings  in  order. 
On  wash-day  morning  the  disorder  is  increased.  Nevertheless, 
the  home  is  kept  as  neat  as  the  circumstances  permit,  and  the 
bright  pictures  on  the  wall  are  proof  of  a  desire  to  make  it  attrac- 
tive. As  the  man  earns  only  $9.90  a  week,  they  must  keep  their 
rent  low  if  bills  are  to  be  paid  and  anything  laid  by  for  the  future. 
In  the  other  picture,  the  "front  room"  with  its  leather-covered 
furniture  is  in  a  five-room  house  which  the  family  owns.  The 
sacred  pictures  with  their  vivid  coloring  relieve  the  severity  of 
the  room  while  they  also  reveal  the  religious  note  in  Slavic  life, 
for  if  happiness  is  to  stay  with  the  family,  the  priest  must  come 

TABLE  37. — AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURE  OF  29  SLAVIC  BUDGET 
FAMILIES 


0} 

>» 

Expenditure 

0  "> 

S  * 

<a    ^  S 

"s 

"8 

,* 

■5 

s 

'is 

8 

2 

0 

s 

•5 

Group 

<£ 

5 

u. 

a 

£ 

8 

£ 

-J 

0 

Under  $12.00 

'4 

$  8.98 

fi.-n 

$4.48 

$.23 

$1.24 

$.01 

$.13 

$.60 

$.05  $.42 

$  -3' 

$i2.oo-|  1 4.99 

5 

13.42 

2.41 

5-99 
8-47 

7b 

..b7 

.08 

•34 

.40 

.05 

.43>2£ 

1.04 

I15.00-I19.99 

7 

17-47 

2.38 

.5b 

1.80 

.05 

•39 

■77 

.05 

1.26 

.10 

»•» 

$20.00    and 

over 

3 

21.55 

2.62 

7.12 

.07 

$.38 

3. 11 
$1.64 

$.03 

.5b 
$.27 

3.22 

$.84 

.05 
$.05 

•37 
$.62 

.48 
$.14 

3-95 

Average 

29 

$13.09 

$2.00 

$5.98 

$1.11 

yearly  to  "  bless  the  home."  This  family  after  many  years  in 
America  has,  by  hard  work  and  thrift,  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
real  home. 

Turning  from  this  visible  evidence  of  the  way  in  which  an 
individual  Slavic  family  has  prospered,  we  find  in  the  mill  census 
that  the  number  of  skilled,  and  therefore  highly  paid  members  of 
the  race,  are  few.  Of  the  3603  Slavs  in  the  mill  in  1907,  459  were 
ranked  as  semi-skilled,  80  as  skilled.  The  Slovaks  from  Austro- 
Hungary  are  the  most  numerous  of  the  race  in  Homestead,  and 

152 


Close  Quarters.     One  Room  and  Three  in  the  Fami 
A  Contrast — I 


Parlor,  Well-to-do  Slavic  Family  20  Years  in  America 
A  Contrast — II 


FAMILY    LIFE    OF   THE    SLAVS 

were  the  first  of  this  stock  to  come  here.  Among  them  we  find 
proportionately  a  slightly  larger  number  of  semi-skilled  workers.* 
We  have  seen  that  of  the  budget  Slavs  still  earning  labor- 
ers' wages,  a  third  had  been  here  over  ten  years;  it  is  apparent, 
however,  that  individuals  are  slowly  making  their  way  into  skilled 
work — a  movement  which,  as  the  older  English-speaking  men 
drop  out,  is  probably  bound  to  increase.  In  the  29  immigrant 
families  keeping  budgets  all  of  the  men  who  earned  $12  or  more  a 
week  had  been  here  over  five  years.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
some  had  come  here  when  they  were  very  young,  eleven,  fifteen, 
sixteen,  or  seventeen  years  old;  for  example,  a  tonnage  worker 
had  been  here  ten  years;  a  man  at  one  of  the  furnaces  earning 
$3.50  a  day,  seventeen  years,  and  a  machinist  who  earned  about 
the  same  amount,  eighteen  years.  Even  with  the  higher  wages, 
their  families  continue  to  make  sacrifices  to  secure  the  desired 
property  more  rapidly.  A  helper  at  one  of  the  open-hearth  fur- 
naces, who  had  been  here  for  seven  years,  was  earning  $2.50  to 
I3.00  a  day.  The  husband  and  wife  still  took  in  two  boarders,  so 
that  with  their  two  children  there  were  six  people  in  a  two-room 
house,  which  was  but  scantily  furnished.  They  had  a  bank  ac- 
count of  at  least  $400.  Another  Slav,  the  head  of  a  family  of 
three,  had  been  here  ten  years  and  was  working  on  tonnage,  in 
good  times  earning  about  $6.00  a  day.  They,  too,  lived  in  a 
two-room  house,  but  it  was  neat  and  from  their  standpoint  proba- 
bly seemed  large  enough  as  they  had  no  lodger.  They  had  pur- 
chased the  farm  in  the  old  country  and  besides  had  a  $500  bank 
account.  Again,  take  a  family  of  six.  The  father,  still  only 
about  thirty  years  old,  had  been  here  for  over  fifteen  years.  Out 
of  his  wages— about  $3.50  a  day  at  fairly  skilled  work  in  the  mill- 
he  was  buying  a  small  house  with  a  garden.  He  was  naturalized 
and  the  family  stood  as  a  fair  type  of  our  new  citizens.  They  took 
no  lodgers,  but  the  limitations  imposed  by  such  thrift  as  they 
practiced  are  illustrated  by  the  notes  on  this  household  made  by 
my  interpreter.  Herself  a  Slav,  their  circumstances  were  a  mat- 
ter of  no  special  interest,  and  she  therefore  wrote  her  notes  with 
no  attempt  to  add  "local  color"  such  as  a  person  of  another  race 

*They  formed  51.7   per  cent   of    all    the  Slavs  in  the  mill  in  1907,  60.1  per 
cent  of  the  semi-skilled  Slavs,  and  56.2  per  cent  of  the  skilled  Slavs. 

153 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

would  have  put  into  them.     To  her  the  statement  was  simply  one 
of  facts: 

Conditions  of  Work: 

The  man  works  on  day  and  night  shifts  alternately. 
Home: 

They  don't  own  their  own  home,  on  which  there  is  a 
mortgage.  The  man  gives  all  his  earnings  to  his  wife  and 
when  he  needs  any  spending  money,  he  asks  for  it. 

Furniture: 

They  live  in  two  rooms  comfortably  furnished,  one  a 
living  room  and  the  other  a  bed  room.  They  have  a  sewing 
machine  on  which  the  mother  does  the  sewing  for  her  family. 
Does  her  washing  by  hand. 

Clothes: 

They  wear  plain  clothing.  The  woman  does  all  her  own 
mending  with  care.  The  father  buys  ready-made  clothing. 
They  have  a  change  of  clothing  for  Sundays,  of  a  fairly  good 
quality. 

Food: 

They  buy  their  food  at  grocery  stores;  don't  get  all  at 
one  store.  They  live  principally  on  vegetable  diet,  not  using 
much  fruit.  The  man  works  hard  and  they  are  obliged  to 
have  good  substantial  food.  The  family  eat  their  evening 
meal  together. 

Woman's  Work: 

The  woman  does  her  own  work  at  home,  but  does  not 
earn  anything  outside,  her  time  all  being  taken  up  with  car- 
ing for  her  family. 

Lodges: 

The  man  belongs  to  St.  Stephen's  Lodge,  and  his  wife 
belongs  to  St.  Catherine's,  both  church  lodges.  They  attend 
one  meeting  every  month  unless  something  to  prevent. 
When  not  able  to  go,  they  send  in  their  dues.  The  man  gets 
$5.00  a  week  sick  benefits,  also  a  death  benefit  of  $1000  to  his 
family  after  his  decease.  His  dues  are  $2.00  monthly  and  the 
wife's  dues  are  $1.00  a  month.  In  case  of  death  of  the  woman 
the  family  gets  $700.  The  wife's  reasons  for  belonging  to 
above  lodges  is  that  their  family  may  have  benefits  paid  by 
the  lodges  in  case  of  a  death,  either  father  or  mother. 

Health: 

This  man  is  in  good  health.  The  woman  is  not  in  good 
health,  having  gone  to  work  too  soon  after  her  confinement; 

'54 


FAMILY    LIFE    OF    THE    SLAVS 

was  attended  by  a  midwife.  She  did  not  have  proper  care 
during  her  confinement.  The  children  are  sickly.  One  of 
them  had  typhoid  fever. 

Education: 

There  are  four  children,  the  oldest  seven  years  and  now 
attending  public  school.  The  only  reading  matter  they  have 
is  his  Lodge  paper,  which  he  gets  once  a  week. 

Accidents: 

The  man  had  one  accident,  but  no  help  from  the  Car- 
negie fund. 

Drink: 

The  man  drinks  at  home  and  sometimes  at  saloons. 
Pays  for  himself.  He  does  not  get  intoxicated.  The  woman 
drinks  a  little  when  she  has  it  at  home. 

Amusements: 

The  man  goes  only  when  his  lodge  gives  a  dance,  it 
being  expected  of  every  member  to  buy  tickets.  Neither  he 
nor  his  wife  ever  attend  theatres,  on  account  of  being  kept 
at  home  with  their  family.  The  woman  cannot  remember 
having  been  to  any  of  the  parks  or  amusements  of  any  kind. 

It  is  by  such  thrift  that  some  of  the  Slavs  attain  their  ambi- 
tion to  own  a  home.  An  official  in  the  foreign  department  of 
one  bank  said  he  knew  of  25  Slavs  who  had  purchased  homes  in 
1907.  Sometimes  these  families  continue  to  live  in  the  Second 
Ward.  One  family,  for  example,  had  bought  an  eight-room  house 
on  one  of  these  busy  streets.  The  four  rear  rooms  they  rented,  but 
with  evident  regard  for  appearances  lived  themselves  in  the  four 
that  faced  the  front.  With  the  aid  of  the  rent  from  the  rear  tene- 
ment they  had  succeeded  in  freeing  the  house  from  the  mortgage. 
The  families  more  often,  however,  move  further  from  the  mill. 
One  I  knew  bought  a  house  on  the  hill  with  two  porches  and  a 
big  yard  where  they  kept  chickens.  While  they  had  only  suc- 
ceeded in  paying  $500  on  the  $1700  the  place  cost,  now  that  a 
son  was  at  work  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  clear  the  debt.  In  the 
meantime  they  truly  rejoiced  in  being  on  the  hill  above  the  smoke 
and  away  from  the  bustling  courts. 

The  English-speaking  families  on  such  streets  rarely  extend 
a  cordial  welcome.  A  woman  who  lives  next  door  to  a  Slavic 
family  told  me  that  some  of  the  neighbors  objected  because  they 

'55 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

were  rather  noisy  and  drank  a  good  deal,  though  she  herself  found 
them  pleasant  enough. 

All  the  Slavs  who  prosper,  however,  do  not  try  to  buy  prop- 
erty here.  Some  prefer  a  bank  account.  It  is  authoritatively 
stated  that  about  1600  Slavs  have  savings  bank  accounts  in  Home- 
stead ranging  from  $100  to  $1000,  and  even  in  a  few  instances  to 
$1500.  Occasionally  this  zeal  for  saving  gets  a  setback.  A  few 
years  ago  a  Slav  ran  an  "exchange  bank"  in  Homestead  and 
when  he  had  secured  a  goodly  sum  departed.  One  family  was  so 
discouraged  at  losing  the  $400  it  had  on  deposit  with  him,  of  hard 
earned  savings,  that  the  woman  ceased  to  take  boarders  and  the 
man  to  work  hard. 


TABLE  38. — AVERAGE  EXPENDITURE  OF  IO  SLAVIC  FAMILIES  COM- 
PARED WITH  42  OF  ALL  RACES,  SPENDING  MORE  THAN  $15  PER 
WEEK 


"« 

£ 

1 

as 

1 

•5 

3 

s 

13 
s 

0 

2 

•S" 
'-3 

■I 

O 

Slav  .... 

1 1 8.74 

$8.08  $2.46 

$.42 

$2.20 

1.04 

$.44 

$MI 

$.06 

$-99 

$.27 

$2.27 

All  . 

21.19 

8.14  3.181  .77I  2.67 

•50 

.62 

1.42 

.06 

•39     53 

2.85 

TABLE  39. — AVERAGE  EXPENDITURES  OF  TWO  GROUPS  OF  IO  FAMI- 
LIES EACH,  THOSE  SPENDING  $1 5  OR  MORE  A  WEEK  AND 
THOSE  SPENDING  LESS  THAN  $12,  WITH  THE  RATIO  OF  INCREASE 


'q 

£ 

1 

04 

s 

1 

<u 

S 

1 

t3    -v 

III 

0 
J 

s 
.ts- 

•5 

1 

Under  $12 
Over  $15 

1 1 0.03 

.8.74 

$4.64 
8.08 

$1.62 
2.46 

I.27 
.42 

$1.57 
2.20 

I.04 

$.13 
•44 

$■77 
1.51 

$.o7 
.06 

$•55 
•99 

180 

$.27 

$.41 
2.27 

Ratio 

.89 

'74 

152 

'55 

140 

196 

554 

.56 


FAMILY   LIFE   OF   THE    SLAVS 

Yet  not  all  the  extra  money  goes  into  bank  accounts  and 
houses.  If  we  compare  the  budgets*  of  the  10  Slavic  families 
spending  more  than  $15  a  week  with  the  average  of  the  42  budget 
families  (of  all  races)  in  the  same  expenditure  groups,  we  shall 
find  that  the  former  increase  their  expenditures  along  much  the 
same  lines  as  do  the  other  peoples,  though  it  is  to  be  noted  here,  as 
in  the  general  averages,  that  the  Slav  spends  a  slightly  larger  per 
cent  for  food  and  a  slightly  smaller  per  cent  for  rent. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  compare  the  Slavic  families  spend- 
ing over  $15  with  those  spending  less  than  $12  (Table  39),  we 
find  that  the  expenditures  which  have  increased  less  rapidly  than 
the  income  are  the  essentials,  food,  rent,  fuel,  and  clothing;  that 
insurance  increases  a  little  more  rapidly,  but  that  the  great  part 
of  the  increased  pay  goes  for  more  distinctly  cultural  expenditures. 

This  comparison,  though  fragmentary,  suggests  that  on  the 
whole  these  Slavs  made  a  wise  use  of  their  increased  earnings — 
that  there  is  an  actual  increase  of  expenditure  for  every  item, 
but  that  by  far  the  largest  gain  is  in  that  sphere  which  stands 
for  the  less  material  side  of  life,  church,  education,  recreation  and 
savings. 

For  most  Slavic  households,  however,  the  increased  income 
which  would  make  such  increased  expenditure  possible  must  be 
looked  for  not  from  the  man's  wages,  but,  at  least  in  the  first 
years,  from  other  sources.  We  have  seen  how  the  first  recourse 
of  the  young  couple  is  to  keep  lodgers  and  the  cost  to  health  and 
childhood  that  that  involves.  Time  goes  on,  brings  children, 
and  household  expenses  rise,  and  even  with  increased  earnings, 
tends  to  keep  the  couple  at  this  double  work. 

*  For  average  expenditure  of  all  Slavic  families  by  expenditure  groups,  see 
Table  37,  p.  152. 


'57 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE    SLAV   ORGANIZED 

OTHER  needs  of  the  Slavs  arising  out  of  the  industrial 
situation  and  out  of  their  isolation,  they  have  attempted 
to  meet  co-operatively  by  various  forms  of  voluntary 
organization. 

The  most  powerful  social  institution  influencing  their  lives 
is  the  church.  Some  of  the  Slavs  belong  to  the  Greek  Catholic, 
some  to  the  Roman  Catholic  communion,  and  both  have  an 
intimate  hold  upon  their  adherents.  Of  their  full  part  in  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  people  a  stranger  who  cannot  even  speak  the 
language  is  unable  to  judge  fairly.  When  at  the  crowded  church, 
on  Easter  morning,  I  watched  the  men  who  could  not  find  room 
to  enter,  standing  on  the  steps  with  bent  heads  and  open  prayer 
books  reverently  following  the  service  within,  I  had  a  vivid 
sense  of  the  power  of  the  church  over  these  stalwart,  slow-moving 
men.  Another  day  I  visited  one  of  the  boarding  houses.  Be- 
neath pictures  of  Christ  on  the  Cross  and  "The  Last  Supper,"  a 
group  about  the  table  were  engaged  in  a  drunken  quarrel.  With 
these  two  scenes  in  mind, — and  scenes  of  similar  character  con- 
stantly alternated  in  my  experience  in  Homestead, — it  was  hard 
to  judge  how  strong  the  spiritual  influence  of  the  church  was, 
save  to  realize  that  it  is  an  intimate  part  of  everyday  life. 

Undoubtedly  priests  who  are  sufficiently  intelligent  to  under- 
stand the  situation  the  Slav  faces,  can  exercise  a  strong  influence 
for  good.  The  one  Homestead  priest  who  spoke  English  fluently 
was  a  man  of  this  type,  a  man  who  seemed  to  comprehend  the 
problems  of  his  people  and  to  help  in  their  solution.  He  not  only 
talked  to  the  women  personally  but  also  preached  from  the  pulpit 
against  the  ruin  of  home  life  that  results  from  taking  lodgers; 
he  was  organizing  a  club  where  the  newcomers  could  meet  Slavs 

158 


THE    SLAV    ORGANIZED 

who  had  been  longer  in  this  country  and  could  catch  from  them 
some  American  ideas.  Priests  of  this  type  may  be  a  strong 
factor  in  the  Americanization  of  the  race.  Unfortunately,  as 
many  priests  speak  no  English  and  are  little  more  in  touch 
with  American  ideas  than  their  people,  the  church  life  tends  to 
preserve  rather  than  to  remove  national  distinctions.  For  their 
church  is  not  merely  a  place  for  religious  services;  it  is  an  insti- 
tution with  both  social  and  educational  functions. 

I  lived  for  two  months  near  the  Lithuanian  church  and 
always  enjoyed  watching  the  group  of  men  that  gathered  outside 
the  gate  after  service  of  a  Sunday  morning.  Some  came  from 
neighboring  towns  and  looked  forward  to  this  weekly  chance 
for  a  friendly  smoke  and  chat. 

Through  parochial  schools,  also,  the  church  exerts  a  strong 
influence.  Here  its  activity  seems  less  desirable  since  all  the 
Slavic  parochial  schools  are  distinctly  below  the  standards  of  the 
Homestead  public  schools  both  in  construction  and  in  teaching.* 
There  are  far  too  many  pupils  in  each  room,  not  enough  regular 
school  desks,  and  ventilation,  lighting,  toilets  and  water  supply 
are  all  insufficient.  The  lower  classes  are  greatly  overcrowded 
and  the  teaching  force  is  inadequate.  One  teacher  said  that  they 
were  so  busy  that  instead  of  giving  careful  instruction  to  children 
ready  for  higher  work  they  made  them  repeat  the  work  of  the 
lower  grades. 

The  parochial  schools  not  only  fail  to  provide  adequate 
instruction,  but  also  hinder  the  work  of  amalgamation  in 
which  public  schools  are  so  potent  a  factor.  If  the  foreign  chil- 
dren played  and  studied  with  American  children,  barriers  to  mutual 
understanding  would  be  overcome.  Moreover,  they  do  not  come 
into  contact  with  intelligent  American  women.  Of  the  six 
teachers  in  the  Slavic  Roman  Catholic  school,  three  spoke  English 
fluently,  though  not  correctly,  three  spoke  almost  none.  By 
changing  teachers,  however,  the  principal  claimed  that,  save  for 
instruction  in  religion  and  the  hour  a  day  devoted  to  the  Slavic 
language,  all  studies  were   taught  in  English.     It  was   obvious, 

*  The  St.  Magdalene  Parochial  School,  attached  to  the  English-speaking 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  was  held  to  compare  favorably  with  the  public  schools  in 
equipment  and  instruction. 

I59 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

however,  that  not  only  was  the  teaching  of  English  inadequate, 
but  that  those  simple  forms  of  history  and  literature  which  find 
place  in  our  grammar  schools  and  which  are  doubly  important 
with  foreign  children,  were  missing. 

This  indifferent  work  is  of  course  permitted  in  part  by 
failure  of  the  parents  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  educa- 
tion. Though  I  heard  of  one  or  two  Slavic  children  in  the  higher 
grades  of  the  public  school,  I  was  told  by  the  principal  of  the 
Second  Ward  school  that  few  went  further  than  the  fifth  grade. 
In  1907-8  one  Slavic  boy  was  in  the  eighth  grade  and  the  year 
before  there  were  two.  These  children  are  bright,  but  if  they  dis- 
like school  the  parents  do  not  insist  upon  their  remaining,  but  put 
them  early  to  work. 

In  the  29  Slavic  budget  families  were  four  children  from 
fourteen  to  sixteen.  Two  were  in  school;  the  other  two,  both 
fourteen  years  old,  were  at  work,  one  in  a  glass  factory,  the  other 
in  a  bowling  alley  where  he  worked  from  10  a.m.  to  12  p.m.  for 
$4.50  per  week.  These  were  both  sons  of  day  laborers.  My  im- 
pression was  that  the  Slavs  did  not  yet  consider  education  a  good 
investment.  Instead  they  were  usually  anxious  to  secure  the 
addition  of  the  children's  wages  to  an  income  that  was  truly 
slender  enough.  They  felt  that  what  the  children  learned  in 
school  had  little  relation  to  practical  success  in  life,  and  lack  of 
intercourse  with  Americans  made  them  slow  to  appreciate  its 
value. 

The  influence  of  the  church  in  Slavic  life  is  intensified  by 
its  close  connection  with  fraternal  orders.  The  Slavs  have 
developed  a  system  of  benefit  organizations  which  fill  a  large 
role  in  the  life  of  this  isolated  portion  of  the  community.  While 
it  was  difficult  to  secure  comprehensive  data,  I  learned  of  at  least 
26  lodges  in  Homestead.  Twenty-two  of  these  had  a  total  mem- 
bership of  2108,  1765  of  whom  were  men.  The  Slovaks,  Croa- 
tians,  Poles,  Hungarians,  and  Lithuanians  have  their  independent 
societies,  and  intermingling  among  these  groups  is  rare.  How 
closely  most  of  the  organizations  are  connected  with  the  church  is 
suggested  by  their  names,  such  as  St.  Joseph's  Croatian  Society  and 
St.  Mary  Magdalena's  First  Ladies  Slovak  Catholic  Union.  That 
this  connection  is  not  merely  nominal  is  shown  by  the  customary 

160 


THE    SLAV    ORGANIZED 

requirement  that  members  shall  belong  to  the  church,  with 
the  frequent  specification  that  they  shall  attend  mass  at  least 
on  Easter  Sunday.  The  symbol  of  the  Greek  Catholic  Union  is 
an  eagle  bearing  the  United  States  flag  in  one  talon  and  the  cross 
of  the  church  in  the  other. 

Table  40,  on  the  next  page,  gives  the  membership,  nation- 
ality and  benefits  of  these  various  organizations. 

Finding  themselves  aliens  in  the  community,  their  habits 
and  customs  not  understood  by  their  neighbors,  and  their  needs 
to  a  large  extent  a  matter  of  indifference,  the  Slavs  have  thus 
bound  themselves  together  for  mutual  helpfulness.  While  such 
societies  are  found  in  most  communities  where  there  are  a  number 
of  people  of  this  race,  the  tendency  to  develop  them  is  intensified 
in  Homestead  by  the  constant  dangers  of  work  in  the  mill.  There 
are  many  accidents  among  the  Slavs.  The  hazards  are  accentu- 
ated by  their  ignorance  of  these  dangers  and  by  their  difficulty  in 
understanding  the  orders  of  English-speaking  "bosses."  Given 
this  constant  peril  of  accident  or  death,*  and  a  community 
which  takes  little  interest  in  the  immigrant's  welfare,  the  extent 
to  which  the  lodge  has  been  developed  is  not  surprising. 

Without  exception  these  lodges  are  "beneficial"  in  char- 
acter; all  give  a  death  benefit,  and  many  also  a  sick  benefit.  The 
death  benefits  are  usually  larger  than  those  given  in  the  Ameri- 
can lodges,  amounting  in  at  least  one-third  of  these  societies  to 
$1000.  In  three  societies  giving  this  benefit,  the  average  assess- 
ment for  three  months  during  the  winter  studied  was  $1.75.  This 
figure  included  regular  lodge  dues  and  in  addition  to  the  sum  at 
death  provided  a  sick  benefit  of  $5.00  a  week  for  thirteen  weeks, 
and  $2.50  a  week  for  the  succeeding  thirteen  weeks,  thus  compar- 
ing favorably  with  the  rates  of  other  fraternal  insurance  orders. 
The   Polish  society  does  not  give  a  regular  death  benefit,  but 

*  If  they  live  abroad,  the  family  of  an  alien  killed  at  his  work  in  Pennsyl- 
vania is  barred  by  state  law  from  recovering  damages  even  when  the  accident 
may  be  due  to  the  gross  negligence  of  his  employer.  This  pernicious  law  has 
been  properly  disregarded  by  the  Carnegie  Relief  Fund  in  awarding  benefits.  The 
new  relief  plan  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  covers  in  its  stated  provisions 
only  "married  men  living  with  their  families."  Awards  to  the  families  of  aliens 
living  abroad  are  thus  left  to  the  discretion  of  company  managers — a  sweeping  ex- 
ception in  view  of  the  great  numbers  of  immigrants  employed  in  the  mines  and 
mills  of  the  corporation.  See  Appendix  XII,  p.  249. 
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homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


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THE    SLAV    ORGANIZED 

assesses  each  member  of  the  lodge  $1.00  at  the  death  of  any 
member.  Large  benefits  are  scarcely  possible  save  when  local 
lodges  are  affiliated  with  national  organizations ;  as  the  death  benefits 
are  then  paid  from  the  central  treasury,  the  burden  is  shared  by  the 
entire  membership.  The  contrast  between  local  and  national  or- 
ganizations was  "shown  in  the  mine  disaster  in  1908  at  Monongah, 
West  Virginia.  Here,  though  27  members  of  one  Slavic  lodge 
were  killed,  the  national  organization  was  able  to  meet  the  emer- 
gency without  serious  difficulty.  A  Polish  society,  on  the  other 
hand,  which  lost  half  its  members  and  depended  entirely  on  con- 
tributions from  the  local  lodge,  could  give  only  a  small  benefit. 

Usually  if  the  wife  of  a  member  dies,  or  if  the  man  receives  a 
serious  injury  such  as  the  loss  of  a  limb  or  an  eye,  a  portion  of  the 
death  benefit  may  be  paid  to  the  beneficiary.  If  totally  disabled, 
the  member  receives  the  entire  amount  of  the  death  benefit  and 
then  ceases  to  be  a  member  of  the  organization.  With  wages 
so  low  as  to  make  it  practically  impossible  for  a  man  to  save 
enough  to  provide  for  catastrophes,  these  collective  funds  are  often 
all  that  stand  between  a  family  and  destitution.  To  help  families 
in  temporary  difficulties,  societies  usually  give  a  sick  benefit  of 
$5.00  a  week  for  varying  periods  of  time.  This  practice  is  less 
frequent  in  the  women's  societies  because  of  the  difficulty  in 
determining  when  a  woman  is  entitled  to  a  sick  benefit.  In  these 
homes  where  everything  depends  upon  the  mother,  she  can  rarely 
give  up  even  when  she  is  really  ill.  That  all  but  two  of  the  Slavic 
families  from  whom  budgets  were  secured,  belonged  to  a*"  least 
one  lodge  and  many  to  more  than  one,  shows  a  genuine  appreci- 
ation of  this  form  of  insurance.  The  administration  of  the  funds 
of  these  organizations  is  thought  to  be  safeguarded  by  bonds  of 
the  officials,  especially  of  the  treasurer;  and  through  initiation  fees 
and  a  special  assessment,  reserve  funds  are  created  to  be  used  in 
emergencies.  Yet  a  common  public  prudence  should  demand 
state  inspection  of  the  insurance  operations  of  these  orders. 

These  lodges  also  play  an  important  part  in  social  life.  They 
offer  some  amusement  in  a  community  where  there  is  little  else 
available  for  the  Slavs.  The  meetings  themselves,  while  nominally 
for  business,  afford  a  chance  for  coming  together,  while  dances  and 
other  festivities  are  held  at  intervals.    Through  them  the  stranger 

163 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

comes  quickly  into  touch  with  his  own  people.  Especially  is  this 
true  of  the  men  who  move  from  one  part  of  the  country  to  another 
in  search  of  work.  Traveling  cards  issued  by  the  home  lodge  of 
a  society,  and  recognized  by  members  of  the  local  lodge  in  any 
community,  assure  a  man  welcome  and  assistance  wherever  he  goes. 
This  service,  a  strong  feature  with  any  fraternal  order,  is  particu- 
larly valuable  to  the  Slav,  with  his  ignorance  of  the  ways  of  the 
new  country  and  even  of  its  language.  The  fellow  members  of  a 
lodge  become  nurses  who  care  for  the  sick  or  injured  during  nights 
of  suffering,  and  friends  who  give  comfort  in  times  of  bereavement. 

The  Slavic  lodges  are  usually  limited  to  the  members  of  one 
nationality,  Slovak,  Hungarian,  Polish,  and  in  so  far  as  they  tend 
to  perpetuate  racial  and  religious  feuds,  miss  their  opportunity  to 
amalgamate  the  immigrant  colony.  In  this  they  differ  from  the 
lodges  of  the  English-speaking  community;  these  usually  include 
representatives  of  all  the  English-speaking  nationalities,  and 
thus  create  a  common  social  intercourse.  They  stop  short  there, 
however,  and  in  turn  fail  to  become  the  unifying  force  which 
they  might  if  they  were  to  welcome  foreigners  to  their  mem- 
bership. The  Slavs,  it  is  true,  prefer  to  belong  to  a  lodge  in 
which  they  can  speak  their  own  language;  but  this  tendency  to 
form  separate  societies  is  intensified  by  the  suspicions  aroused  by 
the  fact  that  they  have  been  victims  of  a  number  of  fraudulent 
American  organizations.  The  chief  reason,  however,  is  the  dislike 
on  the  part  of  the  English-speaking  people  to  include  "Hunkies" 
in  any  organization  which  would  bring  them  into  social  and 
personal  contact.  Even  Slavs  who  have  attained  a  good  standing 
financially  have  not  been  welcomed  into  the  American  societies. 

Nor  does  the  work  of  the  mill,  the  one  common  element  in 
the  life  of  the  town,  afford  the  relationships  which  might  naturally 
spring  up.  There  are  no  labor  unions  in  Homestead  as  there  are  in 
the  mines,  to  give  a  common  interest  to  Pole,  Slav  and  native  born, 
and  pave  the  way  for  mutual  understanding  and  citizenship. 
The  policy  of  the  mill  thus  again  becomes  a  factor  in  the  life  of 
the  town,  this  time  to  accentuate  the  failure  of  its  residents  to 
bridge  over  lines  of  cleavage,  and  create  a  normal  community  life. 

The  separation  between  Slavs  and  English-speaking  people 
is  evident  not  only  in  church  and  school  and  lodge  but  also  in 

164 


W   f 


Drawn  by  Joseph  Stella 


Old  Worlds  in  New 


THE    SLAV    ORGANIZED 

politics.  Here  again,  even  when  Slavs  are  imbued  with  our 
civic  ideals,  language  stands  as  a  barrier  to  mutual  understanding. 
Ignorant  of  our  forms  of  political  machinery,  they  can  take  a  real 
part  in  the  town's  political  life  only  after  a  slow  process  of  educa- 
tion. Few  of  the  Slavs  are  citizens.  Only  six  per  cent  of  those 
employed  in  the  mill  in  1907  had  taken  out  papers,  whereas  63.6 
per  cent  of  the  other  Europeans  were  naturalized.  Many  Slavs, 
of  course,  are  ineligible  because  of  their  short  residence  and  others 
because  of  their  inability  to  read  and  write  English. 

Those  who  become  citizens  find  it  difficult  to  comprehend 
our  complicated  political  system  or  to  follow  newspaper  dis- 
cussions of  party  platforms  or  of  aspirants  for  local  offices.  As  a 
result,  through  the  simple  device  of  an  organization  manipulated 
by  the  older  residents,  they  fall  into  line  and  are  instructed  which 
way  to  vote.  Rumors  of  fraudulent  registration  and  voting  are 
more  or  less  current.  Both  the  Slavic  leaders  and  other  local 
politicians  agree  that  a  deal  is  usually  made  in  Homestead  and  the 
Slavic  vote  goes  to  the  party  which  promises  a  place  on  the  police 
or  some  other  minor  office  to  a  Slav.  Direct  bribery  is  apparently 
rare. 

That  under  it  all  the  Slav  has  a  genuine  political  idealism 
iswhimsically  illustrated  by  quoting  from  a  paper  written  by  a  Slav. 
This  idealism  is  not  strange  in  a  people  whose  political  rights  have 
always  been  restricted  whether  in  Austria,  or  Poland,  or  Russia, 
and  it  seems  deplorable  that  their  genuine  enthusiasm  for  democ- 
racy should  not  be  enabled  to  find  early  and  fair  expression: 

The  Slav  race,  and  without  exception  all  the  Slav  nation- 
alities, are  the  most  and  sincere  patriotic  people  of  our  great 
Republic  the  United  States,  because  they  have  found  here 
all  that  of  which  they  have  been  robbed  in  their  old  coun- 
tries. They  have  found  in  the  United  States  personal  and 
common  liberty,  free  and  independent  civilization,  welfare 
and  all  that  which  the  aborigines  of  the  English  and  other 
races  have  there  found  themselves.  Therefore  the  Slavic 
races  are  the  most  zealous  supporters  of  all  the  state  and 
social  institutions.  Because  this  way,  the  Slavs  are  interested 
in  the  moral  and  material  development  and  evolution  of  this 
country;  they  are  supporting  every  time  that  political  party 
which  does  seem  to  them  the  most  honest,  moral  and  virtuous 
165 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

party.  Because  now  the  Republican  party  and  the  whole 
United  States  under  the  most  honest,  circumspect,  and  glori- 
ous leadership  of  our  most  beloved  president  Mr.  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  are  enjoying,  just  in  the  latest  years,  a  degree  of 
evolution  in  every  respect,  naturally  the  Slav  are  mostly 
Republicans  and  are  following  the  steps  which  President 
Roosevelt  does  designate.  Very  small  amount  of  the  Slav 
is  democratic.  Socialistic  are  some,  maybe  1000-2000,  but 
not  a  single  Anarchist* 

Some  general  observations  may  be  ventured  growing  out  of 
my  impressions  of  the  isolated  life  of  these  Homestead  immigrants. 

It  is  clearly  a  vital  need  that  the  Slavs  learn  our  language. 
Sixty  per  cent  of  the  Slavic  workers  in  the  mill  in  1907  were  re- 
ported as  illiterate.  A  night  school  carried  on  in  1906-7  in  the 
labor  camp  a  few  miles  distant,  at  Aspinwall,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Society  for  Italian  Immigrants,  demonstrated  that  the  immi- 
grant welcomes  instruction  in  civics  and  English,  and  led  to  the 
passage  of  a  state  law  permitting  the  opening  of  such  classes  in  the 
public  schools  upon  the  petition  of  twenty  residents.  Up  to  1908, 
the  schools  in  Homestead  had  done  nothing  in  this  direction.  The 
buildings  were  empty  at  night,  and  might  easily  have  been  utilized 
for  teaching  English  and  a  simple  form  of  civics.  During  periods 
of  slack  work,  such  as  that  of  1908,  men  would  welcome  such 
classes  as  a  diversion  during  the  long  hours  of  enforced  idleness. 

Two  attempts  to  give  instruction  in  English  had  been  made 
by  other  agencies  than  the  schools.  A  Baptist  missionary  who 
spoke  most  of  the  Slavic  languages  started  a  class  and  reported 
that  the  men  showed  a  marked  eagerness  to  learn.  The  Carnegie 
Library  made  the  first  considerable  effort  to  reach  them  by  opening 
its  clubs  to  the  Slavs.  Aside  from  a  class  in  English,  however,  these 
had  not  been  adapted  to  non-English-speaking  people.  Even  the 
Slavic  books,  which  the  library  bought  for  their  benefit,  were 
seldom  used.  I  found  that  a  number  of  the  influential  Slavs  in 
Homestead  did  not  know  that  these  books  were  in  the  library, 
indicating  that  this  failure  was  due  to  a  lack  of  successful  adver- 
tising. The  fact  that  the  building  is  on  the  hill  away  from  their 
homes,  and  has  an  imposing  entrance  which  makes  the  laborer 
hesitate  to  enter,  and  that  there  are  forms  that  must  be  gone 

*The  complete  paper  will  be  found  in  Appendix  XIV,  p.  271. 
166 


THE    SLAV    ORGANIZED 

through  before  the  books  can  be  secured,  also  have  doubtless 
acted  as  deterrent  influences.  That  a  considerable  proportion  of 
the  members  of  the  Library  Club  are  immigrants,  shows  that  these 
obstacles  have  not  stood  in  their  way  in  the  use  of  such  practical 
things  as  the  baths.  But  if  the  library  is  really  to  reach  the  foreign 
population  culturally  it  must  not  wait  for  them  to  come  to  it;  it 
should  go  to  them.  A  simple  reading  room  opening  into  the  courts 
where  the  people  live,  where  they  could  drop  in  after  the  day's 
work,  find  newspapers  and  books  in  their  own  tongue,  and  where 
the  Americanized  Slav  could  reach  his  newly  arrived  brethren, 
would  become  an  important  center  of  influence. 

In  such  a  mill  town,  great  distances  do  not  exist  to  act  as 
barriers.  But  education  and  contact  is  needed  to  overcome  the 
deep-rooted  prejudices  of  the  resident  race.  If  anything,  they 
are  more  ignorant  of  the  inherent  character  of  the  Slav  and 
his  culture,  than  he  is  of  theirs.  Mutual  understanding  would  be 
achieved  the  sooner  were  the  American  fraternal  organizations 
to  adopt  the  policy  of  welcoming  these  aliens;  or  were  the  Catholic 
church  to  exert  a  more  definite  influence  to  bring  men  of  all  races 
together  as  well  as  to  hold  each  race  firmly  intact,  to  interpret 
America  to  them  no  less  than  to  preserve  the  religious  heritages 
they  bring  from  the  churches  of  mid-Europe.  In  politics,  social 
bonds  are  less  personal,  and  an  aggressive,  thoroughly  democratic 
civic  movement  in  Homestead,  no  less  than  the  ward  politics  of 
the  proverbial  Pennsylvania  type,  might  serve  to  bring  men  of  all 
races  to  touching  elbows. 

With  this  lack  of  intercourse  it  is  now  difficult  if  not  im- 
possible for  the  immigrant  to  come  into  a  knowledge  of  our  insti- 
tutions, yet  through  local  legislation  certain  American  standards 
could  be  made  general.  Laws  and  ordinances  are  in  themselves 
valuable  media  of  social  education.  Through  them  we  can  make 
our  standards  clear  to  the  minds  of  the  newcomers  and  impose  the 
minimum  standards  of  a  community  upon  all  its  dwellers.  English- 
speaking  residents  in  Homestead  live  under  fairer  conditions  than 
the  Slavs,  partly  because  they  demand  room  enough  and  healthful 
surroundings.  The  Slav,  coming  from  a  crowded  household  on 
a  farm,  may  not  understand  why  overcrowding  and  unflushed 
vaults  are  intolerable  in  this  closely  built  section  where  he  now 

167 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

lives.  The  importance  of  cleanliness  and  proper  sanitary  con- 
veniences can  be  visibly  demonstrated  by  means  of  well  enforced 
ordinances.  Were  the  health  officer  to  insist  that  the  Slav  take 
fewer  lodgers  so  that  there  might  be  air  enough  for  all,  and  that 
the  landlord  put  decent  plumbing  and  running  water  in  the  house, 
the  Slav  would  gradually  conform  to  these  new  requirements. 
Indeed,  both  the  good  and  the  bad  may  be  new  to  him,  and  he 
may  regard  the  overcrowding  as  American. 

In  education,  also,  effective  borough  action  might  help  to 
raise  standards.  While  Homestead  has  a  compulsory  school  law, 
it  suffers  in  enforcement  because  there  is  a  gap  between  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  public  and  parochial  schools.  As  a  result 
some  children  are  not  in  school  at  all  and  many  are  not  regular 
attendants.  If  the  school  law  were  strictly  enforced,  the  Slav 
would  the  sooner  realize  that  in  the  American  democracy  educa- 
tion is  regarded  as  an  absolute  essential. 

Differences  in  languages,  in  customs,  in  organizations,  as  we 
have  seen,  have  made  a  sharp  demarcation  between  the  two  halves 
of  this  still  growing  town.  The  lack  of  mutual  understanding  is 
of  course  no  more  marked  in  Homestead  than  in  many  American 
industrial  or  commercial  centers.  But  while  they  are  yet  towns  it 
seems  possible  to  work  out  some  solution,  before  such  round-about 
methods  as  those  of  social  settlements  are  necessary  to  bridge 
the  gulf.  Through  the  existing  factors  of  law,  of  the  public  schools, 
of  political  parties,  such  contact  might  be  brought  about  as  would 
hasten  the  slow  process  of  amalgamation.  As  it  is,  the  Slavs  in 
Homestead,  in  their  neighborhoods,  their  schools,  their  churches, 
their  lodges,  their  political  groups,  are  a  people  apart.  In  isolated 
groups  they  are  trying  to  solve  the  problem  set  by  the  economic 
and  social  conditions  which  confront  them  in  this  town.  Some 
surer  footing  and  readier  fraternity  is  needed  if  the  Slavic  day 
laborer  is  to  be  other  than  a  menace  to  his  own  well-being  and  to 
that  of  the  community;  if  in  the  American  sense,  he  and  his  family 
are  to  "get  on"  in  life. 

In  conclusion,  we  may  well  ask  what  awaits  him  if  he  does; 
how  is  life  bounded  for  the  households  in  Homestead,  whether  of 
the  Slav  or  native  born  ? 

1 68 


PART  IV 
THE  MILL  AND  THE  HOUSEHOLD 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE    MILL    AND    THE    HOUSEHOLD 

THROUGHOUT  this  study  I  have  referred  frequently  to 
the  ways  in  which  the  one  industry  in  the  town  through 
wages,  hours  and  conditions  of  work  limits  the  fulfillment 
of  the  family  ideals.  This  is  not  because  the  industry  sprang  up 
like  a  wicked  ogre  to  carry  on  depredations  among  the  towns- 
people, but  because  the  employment  it  offers  is  the  economic 
basis  both  of  the  household  life  and  the  town  life;  it  makes  both 
possible;  and  the  terms  and  conditions  on  which  it  offers  this 
employment  must  directly  affect  the  everyday  living  of  both. 

It  may  be  well,  therefore,  to  sum  up  this  discussion  in  a  more 
definite  fashion;  first,  by  defining  the  limitations  due  to  hours 
and  conditions  of  work  in  the  Homestead  mills  (interpreting 
somewhat  the  attitude  of  the  men  toward  this  problem) ;  and 
second,  by  drawing  from  our  budget  study  of  what  can  be  secured 
for  a  given  weekly  expenditure,  some  more  general  conclusions 
about  wages.  It  is  the  workman  himself  who  feels  the  first  of 
these  limitations;  through  him  the  routine  and  hazards  of  the 
day's  work  affect  the  family.  The  second  acts  more  directly  upon 
the  family;  to  the  household  no  less  than  to  the  man,  the  mill 
determines  the  livelihood;  it  is  the  housekeeper's  purse  strings 
that  are  tugged  with  every  wage  cut  and  loosened  with  every 
advance  a  man  makes  in  the  mill  from  the  pay  of  common  labor 
to  the  higher  tonnage  rates. 

The  first  of  these  reactions  of  the  mill  on  the  town  is  subtle 
and  hard  to  demonstrate.  Yet  no  one  who  has  lived  in  Home- 
stead can  fail  to  realize  how  definitely  the  conditions  under  which 
they  work  influence  the  mental  as  well  as  the  physical  develop- 
ment of  the  men. 

In  an  earlier  chapter  I  spoke  of  the  twelve-hour  day  spent 
in  tumult  and  in  heat,  the  heavy  work,  the  periodic  intensity  of 

171 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

labor  at  the  rolls  and  the  furnaces  for  the  skilled  steel  workers. 
The  onlooker,  fascinated  by  the  picturesqueness  of  it  all,  sees 
in  the  great  dim  sheds  a  wonderful  revelation  of  the  creative 
powers  of  man.  To  the  worker  this  fascination  is  gone;  heat  and 
grime,  noise  and  effort  are  his  part  in  the  play.  The  spectacular 
features  may  serve  only  to  heighten  the  over-strain  which  accom- 
panies continuous  processes  whenever,  as  here,  the  full  twenty- 
four  hours  is  split  between  two  shifts.  In  the  open-hearth  de- 
partment in  Homestead  in  October,  1907,  15 17  men  worked  a 
twelve-hour  day,  as  against  93  who  worked  ten.  In  the  Bessemer 
department,  there  were  nine  men  who  worked  an  eight-hour  day, 
19  who  worked  eleven;  the  remaining  153  worked  the  full  twelve. 
In  the  rolling  mills  some  common  laborers  were  employed  eleven 
hours,  but  the  men  in  the  processes  were  dividing  the  twenty-four 
hours  of  the  day  and  night  between  two  shifts.  (The  normal  day 
of  the  yard  laborer  was  ten  hours.)  These  long  hours  restrict 
the  development  of  the  individual.  They  give  the  men  in  the 
two  shifts  little  time  for  outside  interests.  The  week  that  a  man 
works  on  the  night  turn,  from  5.30  p.  m.  to  7.30  a.  m.,  he  has 
plainly  small  time  to  do  anything  but  eat  and  get  such  sleep  as 
he  can.  The  other  week  he  has,  of  course,  such  leisure  as  falls  to 
any  ten-hour  worker.  This  alternation  of  shifts  lets  the  men  out 
of  consecutive  night  work,  but  it  interferes  with  that  regularity 
of  meals  and  of  sleep  which  physicians  tell  us  is  essential  to  health. 
When  a  man  sleeps  in  the  daytime  alternate  weeks,  it  means 
continual  change  and  adjustment.  One  week  he  has  supper  at 
4.30  p.  m.,  works  all  night,  has  breakfast  at  8  a.  m.,  and  has  a 
more  or  less  broken  sleep  during  the  day.  The  alternate  week 
he  has  supper  at  6  p.  m.,  breakfast  at  6.30,  and  a  good  night's 
sleep  between.  Sometimes  when  sons  who  are  in  the  mill  are  on 
the  opposite  shift  from  the  father,  the  family  cannot  even  meet 
for  meals.  The  irregularity  in  hours  not  only  adds  in  the  long 
run  to  the  fatigue  of  the  work  and  breaks  into  the  family  life,  but 
also  makes  weekly  engagements,  such  as  lodge  meetings,  im- 
possible, and  prevents  the  men  from  taking  much  part  in  other 
activities. 

Some  local  ministers  said  they  believed  that  this  stiff  rou- 
tine tends  to  develop  steadiness  on  the  part  of  the  mill  workers; 

172 


■In 

1 

^H         ¥/ 

1 
I 

1 

BE? 

-~\ 

THE    MILL    AND    THE    HOUSEHOLD 

one  clergyman,  for  instance,  told  me  that  most  of  the  hard  drink- 
ing he  knew  was  among  men  who  had  irregular  work  either  as 
teamsters  or  in  the  building  trades.  Yet  the  existence  of  the 
fifty  or  more  saloons  in  Homestead  indicates  that  drinking  is  a 
prevalent  form  of  excitement  in  the  town.  And  exhaustion, 
coupled  with  the  thirst  occasioned  by  the  heat  in  the  mills,  is  at 
least  partly  responsible  for  the  number  of  men  who  seek  stimulus 
from  drink. 

A  further  depressing  result  of  the  overwork  in  the  mills  is 
the  mental  fatigue  which  accompanies  it.  The  men  are  too  tired 
to  take  an  active  part  in  family  life;  they  are  usually  ready  after 
smoking  a  pipe  to  go  to  bed.  They  have  small  interest  in  outside 
matters  and  consequently  make  little  effort  to  increase  the 
provision  of  amusements  in  the  town,  a  condition  from  which 
their  wives  and  children  suffer.  Again,  with  the  broken  Sunday, 
which  is  due  either  to  work  on  that  day  or  to  work  Saturday 
night  or  Sunday  night,  it  is  easy  to  drift  away  from  church, 
and  many  ministers  find  it  almost  impossible  to  secure  the  atten- 
dance of  the  men.  One  man  who  usually  had  to  work  at  least 
part  time  on  Saturday  night  said  to  me  that  he  was  far  too  tired 
to  get  up  to  go  to  church  on  Sunday  morning.  In  the  year  of 
our  study  one  man  in  five  worked  on  seven  days  in  the  seven  in 
the  steel  mills  of  Allegheny  County.* 

All  this  is  bound  up  with  perhaps  the  most  serious  outcome 
of  conditions  in  the  mill,  the  tendency  to  develop  in  the  men  a 
spirit  of  taking  things  as  they  come.  As  we  noted  in  the  chapter 
dealing  with  the  growth  of  Homestead,  while  the  industry  has 
attained  a  marvelous  degree  of  efficiency  the  town  as  a  political 
unit  has  failed.  Men  weary  with  long  hours  of  work,  men  who 
have  been  refused  any  share  in  determining  the  conditions  under 
which  they  work,  are  not  prompted  to  seize  opportunities  for 

*  "  It  is  my  own  deliberate  judgment,  after  a  period  of  almost  thirty  years' 
continuous  connection  with  the  industry,  the  early  part  of  which  was  passed  in 
manual  labor  in  the  mills,  that  the  present  conditions,  which  necessitate  the  em- 
ployment of  the  same  individual  workman  twelve  hours  a  day  for  seven  days  a 
week,  are  a  reproach  to  our  great  industry  and  should  not  in  this  enlightened  age 
be  longer  tolerated."— From  an  address  May  27,  1910,  by  Wm.  B.  Dickson,  First 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  before  the  American  Iron 
and  Steel  Institute.  As  a  young  man,  Mr.  Dickson  worked  at  the  rolls  in  the 
Homestead  Mills. 

173 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

improving  the  conditions  under  which  they  live.  Their  habitual 
suppression  industrially  has  meant  a  loss  of  initiative.  Some- 
how it  is  easier  to  pay  a  neighbor  fifty  cents  a  month  for  the 
privilege  of  bringing  drinking  water  three  times  a  day  from  his 
well,  than  to  insist  that  the  borough  provide  a  wholesome  supply. 
There  is,  therefore,  in  the  routine  of  life  outside  the  mill, 
little  to  stimulate  these  men  to  mental  alertness,  nor  did  my  talks 
with  them  give  me  the  impression  that  their  work  within  it 
tended  to  supply  this  want.  At  different  points  in  the  process 
are  men  upon  whose  experience  and  judgment  rest  heavy  responsi- 
bilities. But  where  individual  skill  was  formerly  a  constant 
element,  little  by  little  that  skill,  as  well  as  much  of  the  crudest 
manual  labor,  is  being  transferred  to  the  machines.  As  you  watch 
a  crane  pick  up  "buggies"  of  scrap  iron,  empty  them  into  a 
furnace,  and  then  move  on  to  repeat  the  operation,  you  feel  that 
the  machine  itself  must  be  alive  until  you  see  the  man  who  pulls 
lever  after  lever  with  strong,  steady  hand.  The  demands  upon 
this  man's  faculties  during  working  hours  are  not  those  which 
had  to  be  met  by  the  old  time  craftsmen  in  metals.  Improve- 
ments in  process  are,  some  of  them,  the  result  of  the  men's  prac- 
tical suggestions,  which  are  welcomed  eagerly  by  the  superinten- 
dents, tested,  and  when  practicable  adopted.  I  was  told  that  the 
recompense  in  most  instances  is  small— sometimes  a  gift  of  money. 
Evidence,  however,  of  quickness  and  ingenuity  undoubtedly 
increases  the  possibility  of  promotion.  The  exceptional  man  may 
become  an  influential  official,  and  the  officials  of  the  Steel  Corpora- 
tion state  that  there  is  as  keen  a  demand  for  prize  men  as  ever. 
Not  a  few  instances,  such  as  Mr.  Schwab's  rapid  rise,  are  well 
known.  But  with  7000  men  employed  in  this  one  mill, — with 
half  of  the  payroll  made  up  of  unskilled  men,— with  the  tendency 
at  every  point  to  reduce  the  number  of  skilled  men, — with  a 
majority  of  the  mills  in  all  sections  of  the  country  of  the  same  sort 
practically  under  the  one  management,  the  prospect  of  rapid 
advancement  for  the  rank  and  file  becomes  more  and  more  un- 
certain. The  sentiment  frequently  expressed  among  Homestead 
people  that  promotion  is  due  to  a  pull,  may  be  only  a  feeling, 
but  it  strengthens  their  belief  that  for  this  generation  the  future 
will  hold  little  more  than  the  present.     The  younger  men  are 

•74 


THE    MILL    AND   THE    HOUSEHOLD 

sometimes  ambitious  to  study  and  work  up,  but  the  older  ones 
feel  that  there  is  nothing  ahead  for  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  memory  of  the  lost  fight  of  1892  is 
still  vivid,  and  the  decisions  of  the  corporate  employer  are  not 
accepted  without  mental  protest. 

Probably  no  outsider  can  ever  know  just  what  the  men  do 
think  about  it  all.  Certain  impressions,  however,  gathered  in 
talks  with  many  of  them  may  be  worth  stating,  as  showing  the 
lines  along  which  Homestead  men  think.  That  the  older  men 
lack  confidence  in  trade  unions  is  not  strange.  The  strike  de- 
stroyed the  enthusiasm  that  comes  with  success,  and  the  hesita- 
tion about  attempting  to  reorganize  has  been  intensified  by  the 
growth  of  the  Corporation  and  its  policy  of  repressing  any  col- 
lective action.  Its  industrial  achievements  and  great  strength 
make  it  a  foe  not  to  be  antagonized,  and  the  men  have  realized 
its  power  to  the  full.  Those  who  were  refused  re-employment 
because  of  their  part  in  the  strike,  found,  as  I  have  said,  that 
they  could  get  no  work  in  any  mill  of  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company 
and  were  in  some  instances  unable  to  get  it  in  any  other  steel 
mill.  Furthermore,  common  report  has  it  that  anyone  who 
proposes  trade  unionism  in  the  mill  is  promptly  discharged,  and 
experience  has  gone  to  prove  this.  One  phrase  current  in  the 
town  is:  "If  you  want  to  talk  in  Homestead,  you  must  talk  to 
yourself."  "What  is  the  use?"  is  apparently  the  men's  feeling. 
The  people  who  determine  their  hours,  their  wages  and  the  condi- 
tions under  which  they  work,  are  to  them  a  small  group  of  men  in 
New  York,  who  know  little  and  perhaps  care  less  what  the  decision 
of  a  10  per  cent  cut  in  his  rates  means  to  a  man  who  has  been  averag- 
ing $3.00  a  day;  still  less  what  it  means  to  his  wife  and  children. 
While  the  majority  of  the  workers  understand  only  vaguely 
the  organization  of  a  great  industry,  or  the  factors  entering  into 
its  policies,  they  feel  that  their  conditions  of  life  are  determined 
by  forces  too  large  for  them  to  battle  with. 

That  the  men  look  on  the  Corporation  as  a  hard  taskmaster 
was  shown  in  many  ways.  Some  even  believed  that  the  reason  it 
offered  to  sell  stock  to  the  employes  was  in  order  to  find  out  how 
much  money  they  had  saved,  an  opinion  strengthened  among 
them  by  a  cut  in  wages  which  followed  soon  after  the  men  had 

175 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

taken  advantage  of  the  first  offer.  Again,  many  of  them  expressed 
the  belief  that  my  own  investigation  was  being  made  by  the 
Corporation  to  find  out  whether  wages  would  stand  another 
reduction.  While  these  people  were  not  among  the  more  intelli- 
gent of  those  I  visited,  they  illustrate  an  undercurrent  of  con- 
viction that  the  Corporation  is  concerned  only  with  making  money 
and  has  no  interest  in  the  men. 

Two  states  of  mind  result  from  this  belief.  Many  simply 
accept  conditions  as  they  are.  As  one  woman  said,  "  I  tell  my 
husband  that  as  long  as  he  stays  here  he  has  no  business  to  groan 
at  what  the  company  does.  If  he  doesn't  like  it,  he'd  better  get 
out."  Others,  especially  men  with  families,  whose  own  wages 
may  be  fair  and  work  steady,  feel  that  it  would  be  foolish  to 
attempt  any  movement  which  might  result  in  loss  of  work  in 
Homestead.  This  may  be  common  sense,  but  one  regrets  the 
passive  attitude  which  results  from  the  lack  of  concerted  action. 

Not  all  the  men,  however,  thus  accept  the  situation. 
When,  as  in  1908,  the  mills  stand  idle  and  the  household  in- 
come ceases,  while  the  Corporation  deals  out  its  quarterly  divi- 
dend, many  are  not  sure  that  things  are  as  they  ought  to  be. 
A  man  whose  earnings  for  two  months  during  the  depression  had 
not  paid  his  rent  said,  "  I  know  the  superintendent  can't  help  it. 
He  has  done  the  best  he  can  and  tried  to  see  that  all  of  us  got  a 
little  work.  But  I  think  that  the  men  in  the  New  York  office  are 
to  blame."*  A  consciousness  of  the  complexity  of  the  situation 
made  this  man  feel  that  the  concerted  action  of  trade  unionism 
would  be  helpless  to  affect  the  conditions  of  work.  A  small  but 
apparently  growing  group,  recognizing  that  the  industry  is  too 
large  for  them  to  cope  with,  look  toward  socialism  for  a  solution. 
State  interference  seems  to  them  the  only  means  of  changing  the 
situation.    Those  who  think  thus  are  not  extremists;   they  are 

*  An  incident  occurred  recently  in  which  the  editor  of  a  local  newspaper  at- 
tempted to  shift  responsibility  as  between  Homestead  and  New  York,  and  which 
may  or  may  not  throw  some  light  upon  the  prevalence  of  this  attitude  among  the 
people.  In  March,  1910,  the  executive  officials  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corpora- 
tion notified  the  constituent  companies  that  the  rule  prohibiting  unnecessary  Sun- 
day work,  which  had  been  a  dead  letter,  must  be  observed  thereafter.  Pittsburgh 
and  Homestead  newspapers  gave  local  officials  credit  for  this  advanced  step,  and 
a  Homestead  paper  declined,  to  publish  the  text  of  the  orders  which  showed  their 
real  origin. 

176 


Phnlo  by  lline 

Type  of  Stkel  Worker:  Thirty-five  Years  from  Germany 


THE    MILL   AND   THE    HOUSEHOLD 

workingmen  who  simply  can  see  no  other  way  out.  These  men 
held  few  meetings  and  attempted  no  propagandist  work;  they 
accepted  the  socialist  program  as  an  individual  hope. 

The  attitude  of  discontent,  however,  is  not  universal.  Some 
who  have  done  well  in  the  mill  are  loyal  to  it,  and  are  proud 
of  its  reputation;  others  are  won  over  by  the  plan  by  which  the 
Corporation  sells  stock  to  its  employes.  Those  who  hold  shares 
acknowledge  that  they  have  a  different  attitude  toward  the  busi- 
ness and  more  zeal  for  making  it  pay.  One  woman,  however, 
whose  husband  has  a  few  shares,  told  me  with  some  scorn  of  herself, 
that  they  recognized  that  their  attitude  had  changed.  They 
realized  after  all,  she  said,  that  the  small  dividend  from  the  stock 
did  little  to  make  up  for  the  fact  that  her  husband's  wages  had 
been  cut  20  per  cent  in  the  fifteen  years  of  their  married  life.* 
Whether  or  not  this  sense  of  rebellion  is  inevitable  or  justifiable,  it 
is  bound  up  with  complications  due  to  the  remoteness  and  the 
size  of  the  employing  corporation  and  to  the  fact  that  there  is  no 
appeal  from  its  decisions. 

In  Superintendent  A.  R.  Hunt,  the  local  representative  of 
the  Corporation  in  Homestead,  the  men  have  a  real  confi- 
dence.f  In  his  younger  days  he  was  one  of  their  number  and 
his  many  personal  kindnesses  make  them  trust  him.  He  is, 
however,  responsible  to  the  Pittsburgh  office  for  cheapening  the 
cost  of  production  which  is  in  turn  responsible  to  headquarters 
in  New  York  for  economies,  output  and  profits.  Moreover, 
decisions  on  many  vital  points  come  from  a  distance,  and  since  they 
are  for  the  whole  industry  seem  hopelessly  unrelated  to  the  local 


*Among  tonnage  men  changes  in  process,  and  improvements  in  machinery, 
as  well  as  increased  speeding  of  the  work,  have  notably  increased  output  on  many 
lines,  so  that  adjustments  of  rates  have  had  to  be  made  from  time  to  time,  to  fit 
the  new  conditions  in  the  different  departments.  Sometimes  these  adjustments 
have  not  meant  a  reduction  of  earnings,  in  other  cases  they  have;  a  policy  to  reduce 
the  pay  of  the  highest  paid  men  has  been  consistently  carried  out.  These  changes 
are  distinct  from  horizontal  decreases  and  increases  in  tonnage  or  day  rates  affect- 
ing the  whole  force.  In  all  cases,  the  men  have  no  say  as  to  the  new  rates.  See 
Fitch,  John  A.:  The  Steel  Workers,  a  companion  volume  in  the  Pittsburgh  Survey 
series. 

f  Mr.  Hunt,  A.  C.  Dinkey,  president  of  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company,  Charles 
M.  Schwab  former  president,  Wm.  E.  Corey,  president,  and  Wm.  B.  Dickson  first 
vice-president,  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  are  all  men  who  have  worked 
up  from  the  ranks  in  the  Homestead  plant. 

177 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

situation.  I  was  told  that  when  Mr.  Schwab  was  made  presi- 
dent of  the  newly  organized  Steel  Corporation,  the  men,  with  whom 
he  had  been  very  popular,  believed  that  with  "Charlie"  in  New 
York,  their  interests  would  be  safeguarded;  but  when  a  new  cut 
in  wages  was  made  their  hopes  fell. 

The  workers  not  only  have  no  representatives  who  can  confer 
with  the  local  management  on  disputed  points,  but  they  have  a 
sense  of  being  utterly  outside  the  great  moving  center  of  the  in- 
dustry. The  thing  that  is  clear  to  them  is  that,  for  many,  rates 
have  been  cut  and  earnings  lowered,  while  the  men  whose  names  are 
linked  with  steel  finance  are  making  fortunes.  Nor  is  this  feeling 
lessened  by  the  part  which  these  same  men  have  actually  played 
in  Homestead.  Mr.  Carnegie  has  given  a  library,  Mr.  Schwab  a 
manual  training  school,  and  Mr.  Frick  a  charming  little  park 
in  the  centre  of  the  hill  section.  These  generous  gifts  beautify 
Homestead  and  provide  something  toward  its  recreation  and 
intellectual  stimulus.  Yet,  though  the  people  are  very  proud  of 
them,  many  a  man  said  to  me,  "We'd  rather  they  hadn't  cut 
our  wages  and'd  let  us  spend  the  money  for  ourselves.  What 
use  has  a  man  who  works  twelve  hours  a  day  for  a  library, 
anyway  ?"  They  appreciate  what  the  library  and  manual  train- 
ing offer  to  them  and  their  children,  but  they  resent  a  philan- 
thropy which  provides  opportunities  for  intellectual  and  social 
advancement  while  it  withholds  conditions  which  make  it  possible 
to  take  advantage  of  them. 

Moreover,  these  men  have  given  money  rather  than  leader- 
ship. There  is  a  noticeable  contrast  between  this  and  some  mill 
communities  where  the  owners  live  in  the  town  and  take  a  genuine 
interest  in  its  development.  Homestead  has  no  leaders.  When 
in  conversation  I  suggested  that  some  changes  in  the  sanitary 
ordinances  should  be  made,  I  was  told  that  only  a  man  of  influ- 
ence could  accomplish  it.     But   no  one  could  suggest  the  man. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  was  pointed  out  in  Chapter  II,  a 
heavy  burden  is  imposed  upon  Homestead  through  the  fact  that 
most  of  the  mill  property  is  set  off  in  a  separate  borough.  Mun- 
hall,  where  most  of  the  Carnegie  Company's  holdings  are  located, 
is  more  attractive,  has  better  water  and  sewerage,  and  has  no  over- 
crowded section.     It  is  the  residence  place  of  the  mill  officials 

178 


M 


Type  of  Steel  Worker:    Slav 


THE    MILL    AND   THE    HOUSEHOLD 

and  has  the  income  from  the  taxation  of  the  mill  property.  The 
borough  may  almost  be  said  to  be  part  of  the  plant.  Here  the 
wealth  and  influence  of  the  industry  make  themselves  felt  in  those 
external  conditions  which  react  on  the  whole  life  of  the  residents. 

In  Munhall  the  tax  rate  in  1907  was  only  8^  mills,  which 
nevertheless  brought  $40,000  a  year  into  the  town's  treasury 
from  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company.  In  Homestead,  across  the 
imaginary  borough  lines  where  the  greater  part  of  the  workers 
live,  the  mill  owns  little  property  subject  to  taxation;  here  the 
tax  rate  was  1 5  mills  and  the  company  paid  a  tax  of  $7000  only. 
Through  these  borough  divisions  the  Corporation  has  thus  been 
largely  relieved  of  contributing  to  the  maintenance  of  the  com- 
munity which  is  necessary  to  its  operation.  That  burden  is 
borne  by  the  homes  of  the  wage-earners  gathered  to  do  its  work. 

It  is  through  the  households  themselves  that  the  industrial 
situation  impresses  itself  indelibly  upon  the  life  of  the  people. 
The  environment  of  the  home  afforded  by  this  checkerboard 
town  tilted  on  the  slope  back  of  the  mill  site,  the  smoke  which 
pours  its  depressing  fumes  to  add  their  extra  burden  to  the  house- 
wife's task,  the  constant  interference  with  orderly  routine  due  to 
the  irregular  succession  of  long  hours — these  are  outward  and 
visible  signs  of  the  subordination  of  household  life  to  industrial 
life.  The  mill  affects  the  family  even  more  intimately  through 
the  wage  scale  to  which  the  standards  of  home  making,  house- 
keeping, and  child  rearing  must  conform.  Here  the  impressions 
gained  by  a  season's  residence  in  Homestead  are  supported  by  the 
limited  but  definite  facts  as  to  expenditures  afforded  by  the  budget 
study  of  ninety  families.  These  were  recapitulated  in  an  earlier 
chapter  (page  102),  and  it  is  only  necessary  here  to  relate  them  to 
the  standards  of  the  two  main  groups  in  the  wage-earning  popula- 
tion which  have  been  considered  in  this  book.  For  whatever  may 
be  the  triumph  or  failure  of  the  steel  plant  as  a  manufactory,  it  must 
also  be  judged  by  the  part  it  has  borne  in  helping  or  hindering 
this  town,  which  has  grown  up  on  the  farm  land  at  the  river  bend, 
in  becoming  a  sound  member  of  the  American  commonwealth. 

By  far  the  largest  and  most  serious  group  to  consider  is 
that    of    the    unskilled   workers— earning   day   laborers'   wages. 

179 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

With  unrestricted  immigration,  and  the  development  of  half-auto- 
matic processes,  the  trend  as  we  have  seen  is  toward  an  increase 
of  this  unskilled  labor  both  proportionately  and  in  gross  numbers. 

The  analysis  of  expenditures  indicates  that  the  man  who  earns 
$9.90  a  week,  as  do  a  majority  of  such  laborers,  and  who  has  a 
family  of  normal  size  to  support,  can  provide  for  them  only  a  two- 
room  tenement  in  a  crowded  court,  with  no  sanitary  conveniences; 
a  supply  of  food  below  the  minimum  sufficient  for  mere  physical 
well-being;  insurance  that  makes  provision  which  is  utterly  inade- 
quate for  the  family  left  without  a  breadwinner;  a  meagre  expendi- 
ture for  clothes  and  furniture,  and  an  almost  negligible  margin  for 
recreation,  education  and  savings.  Many  can,  to  be  sure,  add  to 
their  earnings  by  working  seven  days  a  week  instead  of  six;  by 
working  twelve  hours  a  day  instead  of  ten;  but  after  all,  we  are 
talking  of  standards  of  life  and  labor  for  an  American  industry, 
and  common  sense  will  scarcely  sanction  such  a  week  of  work. 
Many,  too,  as  we  have  seen,  take  in  lodgers,  but  do  it  at  the  cost 
of  decency  and  health. 

It  may  be  claimed  that  the  Slavs  are  single  men  and  get 
ahead  quickly.  But  two-thirds  of  the  immigrant  Slavs  in  the 
Homestead  mills  are  married  men.  And  the  exceptional  one  who 
gets  ahead  in  the  mill  only  serves  to  set  off  the  fact  that  the  main 
body  of  the  employes  are  unskilled  workers  and  will  continue 
such  so  long  as  steel  processes  remain  as  they  are. 

Granted  that  to  the  majority  of  the  Slavs,  if  ambitious,  the 
industry  does  not  afford  opportunities  to  prosper  and  to  become 
assimilated,  still  it  may  be  argued  that  mill  work,  like  gang  labor 
on  railway  construction,  must  be  regarded  as  transitional,  a 
stage  in  the  progress  of  the  immigrant  until  he  has  learned  our 
language  and  ways.  Nobody  knows  whether  this  is  true  in  a 
large  way  of  the  Slavs  of  the  steel  district.  What  we  do  know 
is  that  however  the  individuals  in  their  ranks  change,  the  unskilled 
laborers  as  an  economic  group  persist.  They  have  been  a  perma- 
nent factor  in  the  social  life  of  Homestead.  The  community  as  a 
whole  must  suffer  if  this  persisting  group  lives  amid  an  unwhole- 
some environment  and  undergoes  a  deterioration  in  physical 
efficiency.  The  wage  which  the  mill  pays,  while  it  may  bring  a 
little  fortune  to  the  single  men  who  herd  in  a  lodging  house,  offers 

180 


Type  of  Steel  Worker:  Pennsylvanian 


THE    MILL   AND    THE    HOUSEHOLD 

to  the  men  who  bring  their  families  and  plan  to  become  American 
citizens  terms  which,  coupled  with  their  ignorance  and  ambitions, 
tend  to  distort  and  depress  in  these  formative  years  the  things  we 
hold  most  precious  in  every  home. 

As  I  waited  one  day  in  one  of  the  little  railroad  stations  of 
Homestead,  a  Slav  came  in  and  sat  down  beside  a  woman  with 
a  two-year-old  child.  He  made  shy  advances  to  the  baby,  coaxing 
her  in  a  voice  of  heart-breaking  loneliness.  She  would  not  come 
and  finally  her  mother  took  her  away.  The  Slav  turned  to  the 
rest  of  the  company,  and  taking  us  all  into  his  confidence  said 
very  simply,  "Me  wife,  me  babe,  Hungar."  But  were  his  family 
in  Homestead  it  would  mean  death  for  one  baby  in  three;  it 
would  mean  hard  work  in  a  little,  dirty,  unsanitary  house  for  the 
mother;  it  would  mean  sickness  and  evil.  With  them  in  Hungary 
it  meant  for  him  isolation  and  loneliness  and  the  abnormal  life 
of  the  crowded  lodging  house. 

The  terms  offered  unskilled  immigrant  labor  in  the  Home- 
stead mills  are  not,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  exceptional.  The 
rate  paid  day  labor  by  the  Carnegie  Company  in  1907  was  higher 
than  that  paid  in  some  of  the  independent  plants  in  Pittsburgh; 
it  was  10  per  cent  higher  than  the  rate  paid  in  1901 ;  yet  it  is  fair 
to  compare  it  also  with  the  rate  paid  unskilled  labor  in  those 
bituminous  mines  of  western  Pennsylvania  where  the  men  through 
the  unions  have  appreciably  affected  the  course  of  wages  and  hours. 
According  to  Professor  Commons,  common  laborers  in  the  mines 
were  paid  $2.36  for  an  eight-hour  day  in  1907.*  Their  weekly 
earnings  exceeded  those  of  a  Slavic  laborer  in  a  steel  mill  by  two 
full  days'  pay  a  week.  They  somewhat  exceeded  the  average 
expenditure  ($13.32)  of  the  $12  to  $15  budget  group  among  the 
mill  workers  which,  as  we  have  seen,  approximated  the  amount 
it  is  possible  for  a  six-day  man  to  provide  for  his  family  on 
$2.25  a  day.  In  the  expenditures  of  this  second  budget  group  of 
mill  workers,  we  found  (Chap.  VI)  the  food  cost  was  about  25  cents 

*  As  against  $1.65  for  a  ten-hour  day  and  §1.08  for  a  twelve-hour  day  in  the 
steel  mills.  See  article  by  Professor  John  R.  Commons,  The  Survey,  March  6,  1909, 
p.  1063.  As  already  noted,  the  common  labor  rate  in  Homestead  was  raised  May  1, 
1910,  to  \-]\  cents  an  hour,  or  $10.50  per  week.  This  comparison  with  mine  labor, 
however,  still  stands. 

l8l 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

a  day  a  man — a  small  leeway  for  large  families  or  indifferent 
housekeeping;  rent  that  would  give  three  rooms,  though  not 
with  sanitary  conveniences;  clothing  sufficient  to  meet  Mr. 
Chapin's  minimum  for  essentials,  and  a  remaining  sum  of  $1.37 
a  week  for  recreation,  education,  church,  savings,  and  sundries. 
In  other  words,  such  a  level,  reached  by  one  of  the  great  industries 
of  the  region,  would  seem  to  afford  a  foothold  of  physical  sufficiency 
upon  which  a  newcomer  can  begin  the  American  struggle  without 
great  hazard  to  his  family  or  to  the  community  in  which  he  casts 
his  fortunes. 

As  a  permanent  basis  for  American  life,  we  must  look  to  a 
larger  budget.  We  must  take  account  of  the  fact  that  the  steel 
industry  is  on  a  different  footing  from  the  small,  quickly  develop- 
ing plants  in  the  early  days.  There  is  practically  no  chance 
that  the  steel  worker  may  himself  become  an  employer,  and  only 
a  lesser  chance  that  he  may  secure  a  highly  paid  administrative 
position.  More  than  that,  while  the  day  labor  rate  has  been 
raised,  steel  officials  admit  that  there  has  been  a  continued  policy 
of  reducing  the  earnings  of  the  highest  paid  men,  such  as  heaters 
and  rollers,  some  of  whom  in  the  years  when  output  was  in- 
creasing by  leaps  and  bounds  made  very  large  sums.  It  is, 
therefore,  only  a  livelihood  after  all  to  which  the  average  man  has 
to  look  forward  if  he  puts  his  working  years  into  the  steel  industry. 
The  steady  work  offered  by  the  Homestead  mill  makes  it  possible 
for  the  English-speaking  steel  worker  to  develop  a  household 
standard  with  some  assurance  of  what  is  to  be  anticipated  in  the 
months  ahead.  But  accidental  death,  injury,  sickness  or  a  season 
of  slack  work  enter  in  to  jeopardize  this  seeming  security.  A 
livelihood  cannot  be  said  to  be  independent  which  does  not  provide 
through  insurance  and  savings  for  such  emergencies;  and  it  falls 
short  of  competence  if  it  fails  to  afford  some  current  share  of 
pleasure  as  well  as  toil,  of  comfort  of  mind  as  well  as  food  and 
shelter.  It  is  within  the  bounds  of  practical  American  idealism 
to  hold  that  such  a  livelihood  should,  within  a  reasonably  short 
period  of  years,  be  reached  and  maintained  by  an  industrious  man. 

We  found,  so  far  as  this  group  of  90  budget  familes  could 
show  us  (and  at  the  range  of  prices   current  in  Homestead  in 

182 


THE    MILL   AND   THE    HOUSEHOLD 

1907)  that  only  when  earnings  were  more  than  $15  a  week  ($2.50 
per  day)  could  we  confidently  look  for  any  working  margin  above 
those  expenditures  which  should  go  for  actual  necessities.  It 
was  only  in  the  group  earning  more  than  $20  that  we  found  assur- 
ance that  the  average  family  had  reached  a  point  of  surplus  where, 
without  being  unduly  spendthrift  of  the  future,  they  could  live 
well. 

Detailed  figures  for  October,  1907,  for  three  representative 
mills  in  a  large  steel  plant  in  the  district  enable  us  to  relate  these 
standards  to  the  earnings  of  the  men  engaged  directly  in  the  opera- 
tions of  steel  making.*  Of  the  513  men  in  these  departments,  193, 
or  something  over  one-third,  were  paid  the  same  hourly  rate  as 
laborers  in  the  yards.  Of  the  320  men  earning  more  than  day 
laborers'  pay,  76,  or  very  nearly  a  fourth,  were  earning  less  than 
the  $2.50  per  day  without  which  we  found  that  the  average  family 
could  not  count  on  a  practical  margin  above  actual  necessities. 
About  another  fourth  (82)  were  earning  $20  ($3.33  a  day)  or 
over,  the  positions  ranging  from  that  of  a  roll  engineer,  whose 
pay  averaged  $3.37  per  day  for  the  month,  to  shearmen  at  $5.58, 
general  foremen  at  $6.05,  heaters  at  $7.21,  and  rollers  at  $8.44. 
The  pay  of  these  men,  some  of  whom  were  in  supervisory  positions, 
averaged  that  of  the  most  fortunate  group  of  budget  families 
studied. 

Thus  a  full  half  of  the  men  in  these  departments  earning  more 
than  common  laborer's  pay  fell  in  our  intermediate  group,  earn- 
ing weekly  from  $  1 5  to  $20.  They  included,  therefore,  the  largest 
proportion  of  the  English-speaking  workers  who,  in  these  depart- 
ments,! nad  reached  positions  of  some  skill.  Here  the  question 
whether  normal  life  could  be  maintained  depends,  as  we  saw  in 
our  budget  studies,  on  many  circumstances — on  the  size  of  the 

*  Twenty-three-inch  structural  mill,  38-inch  blooming  mill,  128-inch  plate 
mill.     See  Appendix  IV,  p,  215. 

f  Earnings  in  the  Bessemer  department  were  not  so  good.  Of  the  1  54  men 
above  the  day  labor  rank  in  October,  1907,  only  five  per  cent  earned  $20  or  more, 
and  50  percent  earned  less  than  $15  per  week.  In  the  open-hearth  department  262 
out  of  1610  earned  $20  or  above — practically  the  same  percentage  (16  per  cent)  as 
in  the  three  rolling  mills  cited.  Detailed  figures  were  not  available  as  to  the  earn- 
ings of  the  remainder  of  the  open-hearth  departments,  but  the  average  rate  for  the 
twelve-hour  men  in  the  department  ($2.76),  coupled  with  the  specified  earnings  of 
the  more  important  positions,  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  percentage  of  them  earn- 
ing over  $  1 5  was  less  than  in  the  rolling  mills. 

183 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

family,  on  the  temperance  and  steadiness  of  the  man,  on  the  skill 
of  the  housewife,  on  freedom  from  sickness  or  misfortune.  But 
the  margin  is  so  narrow  that  the  appearance  of  a  disturbing 
factor  may  seriously  depress  the  family  life.  Those  homely 
marginal  expenditures  are  at  stake  which  may  mean  a  front  room 
with  money  to  heat  and  furnish  it;  washing  and  sewing  machines, 
and  outside  help  to  give  the  housewife  some  leisure;  the  doctor 
instead  of  the  midwife;  the  savings  account  and  the  insurance 
policy  so  that  sickness  or  death,  if  they  come,  will  not  turn  sorrow 
into  importunate  drudgery  for  the  mother  of  little  children. 

Small  families  may  not  be  unhappily  situated  in  this  inter- 
mediate wage  belt;  and  with  lodgers,  or  with  sons  working,  or  with 
the  practice  of  an  unusual  gift  of  housekeeping,  larger  families 
may  have  some  comforts.  The  more  closely,  however,  that  we 
scrutinize  the  amount  available  for  marginal  expenditures,  the 
clearer  does  it  appear  that  the  average  family  whose  income  falls 
in  good  times  or  bad  into  this  intermediate  expenditure  group, 
must  choose  between  meeting  the  family's  needs  for  recreation, 
its  need  for  providence  and  its  need  for  that  freedom  in  spending 
for  the  home  and  its  furnishings  which  help  develop  personal  life. 

The  United  States  Steel  Corporation  operates  in  Homestead 
one  of  the  largest  mills  in  the  country,  provided  with  wonder- 
ful machines  for  producing  steel ;  it  has  placed  in  charge  a  super- 
intendent whose  primary  object  is  to  produce  steel  perfectly  and 
cheaply;  it  offers  work  on  certain  terms  as  to  wages  and  hours 
which  he  who  wills  may  accept.  Its  ignorant  Slavic  laborers,  how- 
ever, may  be  exploited  by  grasping  landlords;  the  wives  of  many  of 
its  workers  may  find  life  merely  a  round  of  wearisome  tasks  in  the 
attempt  to  make  both  ends  meet;  its  men  may  be  too  worn  by 
the  stress  of  the  twelve-hour  shifts  to  care  for  their  own  individ- 
ual development  or  too  shorn  of  self-dependence  to  exert  them- 
selves to  maintain  a  borough  government  that  shall  give  them 
better  living  conditions.  "  Life,  work  and  happiness,— these  three 
are  bound  together."  The  mill  offers  the  one,  subject  to  no  effec- 
tive demand  by  society  nor  commercial  necessity  that  the  work  be 
done  under  conditions  which  make  the  other  two  possible. 

184 


APPENDICES 


APPENDIX  I 
METHODS   OF    BUDGET  STUDY 

FACTS  as  to  wages  and  labor  conditions  in  the  steel  district 
were  secured  in  companion  investigations  of  the  Pittsburgh 
Survey.  To  get  at  their  full  meaning  it  was  necessary  to 
relate  them  to  the  household  life  of  the  workers;  by  learning  what  it 
costs  workingmen's  families  to  live  and  what  the  general  levels  of  the 
wage  scale  mean  to  their  wives  and  children.  Such  was  the  first 
purpose  of  this  inquiry.  Since  in  Pittsburgh  proper  there  were 
complicating  factors  due  to  the  size  of  the  city  and  its  various 
commercial  activities,  it  seemed  simpler  to  undertake  it  in  one 
of  the  industrial  suburbs.  The  inquiry  naturally  developed  into 
an  analysis  of  mill  town  life  from  the  household  standpoint,  an 
intimate  study  of  the  everyday  problems  of  the  workingmen's 
families.  It  was  not,  as  early  stated  in  the  text,  primarily  statis- 
tical. Yet  to  determine  and  illustrate  the  economic  factors 
entering  into  family  life  the  budget  method  of  securing  data  was 
adopted,  as  employed  in  standard  of  living  inquiries  since  Le  Play's 
first  studies. 

The  investigation  extended  from  October,  1907,  to  April, 
1908.  Reference  has  been  made  in  Chapter  1 1 1  to  obstacles  which 
the  staff  had  to  overcome  in  the  field  work  and  to  the  methods 
adopted  for  getting  into  close  touch  with  the  homes  studied. 
Through  various  means  friendly  relations  were  established  with 
households  of  different  types,  the  families  were  visited  weekly  and 
the  co-operation  of  the  women  was  obtained  in  keeping  accounts. 
The  data  gathered  were  transferred  to  three  cards  showing:  (a)  the 
general  history  and  facts  as  to  the  family;  (b)  expenditures  for  food; 
(c)  other  expenditures  (see  pages  1 88- 191).  In  addition  notes  were 
kept  on  any  interesting  points  which  cropped  out  in  conversation 
during  the  visits,  and  every  opportunity  was  utilized  to  become 

187 


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NAME 

Street 

ARTICLE 

Av.  Price 

Bread 

Bakers  Food 

Beef 

Pork 

Ham, 
S's^e,  Bacon 

Other  Meat 

Fish 

Flour 

Cereals 

D'd  B'ns.  etc. 

Fresh  Ve<» 

Winter  " 

Canned  " 

Potatoes 

E«s 

Milk 

Butter 

Cheese 

Fresh  Fruit 

Jellies,  etc. 

Pickles,  etc. 

Sugar 

Tea 

Coffee 

Cocoa 

Lard 

Meals  away 

Sundries 

Total 

Card  B:     Food 
190 


NAME 

Street 

FUEL  AND  LIGHT 

Coal 

Wood 

Gas 

Oil 

CLOTHING.     Man 

Woman 

Boys 

Girls 

Materials  for  Clothing 

Materials  for  Washing 

Service 

Furniture 

Kitchen  Utensils 

Rent 

Taxes,  Fire  Ins.,  Etc. 

Insurance 

Dues  in  Lodges 

Dues  in  Unions 

Education 

Church 

Gifts,  Charity 

Recreation 

Spending  Money 

Tobacco 

Liquor 

Doctor  and  Medicine 

Dentist 

Money  to  Old  Countrv 

Sundries 

Total 

Total  Income 

Card  C:    Other  Expenditures 
191 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

acquainted  with  the  town  officials,  physicians,  business  men  and 
others  who  could  correct  personal  impressions. 

It  was  decided  to  adopt  the  account  book  rather  than  the 
budget  estimate  method  of  securing  data.  To  secure  a  budget 
estimate,  a  standard  of  living  investigator  goes  over  with  a  house- 
keeper her  customary  items  of  expenditure,  and  on  the  basis  of 
these  statements,  estimates  the  outlay  for  the  year.  The  advant- 
age of  this  method  is  that  with  the  housekeeper's  help  an  approx- 
imate figure  can  be  secured  for  disbursements,  which  are  made 
only  at  intervals  and  which  vary  with  the  seasons,  for  clothing, 
fuel,  house  furnishings  and  other  things.  When  the  account 
book  method  is  used,  the  housekeeper  keeps  daily  records  of  her 
expenditures  for  the  period  studied.  These  are  totalled  and  re- 
duced to  weekly  averages.  The  advantage  of  this  system  is  that 
so  far  as  the  figures  go,  they  are  actual,  and  the  element  of  esti- 
mate is  reduced  to  a  minimum.  All  accounts  included  in  the 
budget  analysis  in  this  study  covered  a  period  of  from  four  to 
eight  weeks;  those  which  showed  a  five  per  cent  discrepancy  be- 
tween income  and  expenditure  were  discarded.  They  thus  reg- 
ister accurately  all  outlays,  such  as  food,  rent,  and  insurance, 
which  are  made  frequently,  but  give  only  fragmentary  indi- 
cations of  the  cost  of  occasional  purchases,  such  as  furniture, 
clothing,  medicine,  etc.  We  had  neither  the  time  nor  the  staff  to 
carry  them  over  a  period  long  enough  to  make  these  items  sub- 
stantially representative.  Nor  did  we  undertake  to  extend  the 
number  of  families  studied  to  a  total  which  would  satisfy  the  re- 
quirements of  a  purely  statistical  inquiry. 

Bearing  in  mind  these  general  limitations  of  our  account 
book  data,  and  with  a  further  word  or  two  of  explanation  as  to  the 
specific  methods  employed  in  gathering  and  applying  them,  the 
reader  will  be  able  to  form  an  independent  judgment  as  to  (i)  how 
far  the  group  of  families  studied  was  representative  of  the  wage- 
earning  population,  and  (2)  to  what  extent  their  recorded  expen- 
ditures were  typical. 

As  Homestead  is  a  homogeneous  town  of  wage-earners,  our 
first  task,  namely,  that  of  securing  families  which  in  economic 
status,  racial  make-up  and  intelligence  would  be  fairly  representa- 
tive of  the  community,  was  considerably  simplified.      At  the  top 

192 


APPENDIX    I 

of  the  economic  scale  is  no  large  high-income  group  to  consider, 
and  at  the  bottom  60  per  cent  of  the  entire  working  force  in  the 
mill  are  unskilled  laborers,  getting  a  common  rate  per  hour. 
Since,  moreover,  a  majority  of  the  town's  people  work  for  the  one 
employer,  a  recent  census  of  the  mill  gave  us  remarkably  complete 
statistical  information  as  to  the  skill  and  racial  make-up  of  this 
working  population.  This  was  supplemented  by  data  as  to  wages 
in  the  steel  mills  of  the  district  secured  in  the  course  of  a  com- 
panion investigation  for  the  Pittsburgh  Survey.  Perhaps  no  other 
inquiry  of  a  similar  nature  has  had  such  inclusive  economic  and 
social  facts  as  a  local  background.  Moreover,  as  the  women  of 
Homestead  do  not  go  out  to  labor  and  as  (with  the  exception  of  the 
hard  times  of  1907  and  1908)  work  in  the  mills  has  been  steady,  we 
scarcely  encountered  two  complicating  factors  which  often  disturb 
such  budget  studies,  namely,  supplemental  incomes  and  seasonal 
non-employment.  With  the  exception  of  the  income  from  lodgers 
in  the  low  wage  groups,  the  man's  weekly  earnings  form  the  basis 
of  household  life,  and  by  what  those  earnings  afford  can  the  in- 
dustrial life  of  the  community  be  judged. 

To  indicate  the  gradations  from  the  great  underlying  mass 
of  day  labor  to  the  comparatively  small  group  of  highly  skilled 
men,  the  following  classification  was  adopted: 

1.  Those  receiving  less  than  $12  a  week;  that  is,  the  un- 
skilled common  laborers  at  i6£  cents  an  hour,  as  exemplified  in 
the  $1.65  per  day  for  ten  hours  in  the  yards  or  $1.98  per  day  for 
twelve  hours  in  the  operating  departments. 

2.  Those  receiving  from  $12  to  $14.99  per  week. 

3.  Those  receiving  from  $15  to  $19.99  per  week. 

These  intermediate  groups  include,  roughly,  men  paid  $2.25 
to  $3.00  per  day  on  time  wages  and  the  less  skilled  men  who  are 
paid  by  the  ton. 

4.  Those  receiving  $20  per  week  and  over.  The  distinctly 
skilled  men,  practically  all  tonnage  workers,  together  with  the 
men  above  the  lowest  rounds  on  the  clerical  force. 

In  addition,  a  few  families  in  each  wage  group  whose  bread- 
winners were  not  employed  in  the  mill  were  added  to  the  number 
studied  in  order  to  reflect  more  accurately  the  make-up  of  the 
community. 

13  193 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  facts  presented  in  Chap- 
ter III,  Table  5,  etc.,  as  to  the  skill,  nationalities,  and  range  of 
pay  of  the  mill  force  refer  to  normal  times.  So  also  does  Table  6, 
in  which  the  90  budget  families  are  classified  by  their  regular 
income.  As  tonnage  earnings  vary  from  week  to  week,  these  latter 
averages  are  based  on  statements  made  by  the  families  themselves 
as  to  the  men's  usual  pay  and  their  income  from  other  sources. 
They  are  believed  to  be  fairly  accurate  except  possibly  in  the 
case  of  three  colored  women  who  went  out  to  work  by  the  day 
and  apparently  gave  their  maximum  rather  than  their  average 
earnings.  According  to  this  table  the  90  budget  families  when 
classified  by  normal  earnings  were  about  equally  divided  among 
the  four  groups  representing  the  general  wage  levels  in  the  mill. 
While  the  "under  $12"  group  of  budget  families  was  numerically 
no  larger  than  the  other  three,  it  of  course  represented  over  half 
the  working  population.  Among  the  budget  families,  as  in  the 
mill,  the  Slavs  predominated  in  this  lowest  group. 

To  represent,  racially,  the  town's  population,  it  was  necessary 
to  include  families  from  three  groups:  the  native  born,  the  old 
time  English-speaking  immigrant  of  a  generation  ago,  and  the 
newcomers  of  the  past  decade— the  Slavs.  A  group  of  colored 
people  was  included  also,  not  because  numerically  important,  but 
for  purposes  of  comparison.  It  will  be  noted  that  for  each 
racial  group  the  percentage  of  unskilled  workers  among  the  budget 
families  is  decidedly  smaller  than  in  the  mill  census.*  The  generali- 
zations with  respect  to  each  nationality,  therefore,  were  drawn  from 
families  above  the  average  in  skill  and  wages,  so  that  the  picture 
is  less  dark  if  anything  than  the  reality.  In  such  a  study  as  the 
present  one,  in  which  the  conclusions  have  been  critical  of  the 
returns  paid  to  labor,  this  was  a  bias  on  the  safe  side. 

A  third  requisite  was  to  secure  families  which  in  intelligence 
were  representative  of  the  community  studied.  Here  we  met  a 
difficulty  common  to  all  standard  of  living  inquiries;  that  as 
the  more  intelligent  women  who  can  keep  accounts  or  make  ac- 
curate estimates  are  usually  the  more  skilful  housekeepers,  their 
figures  are  not  thoroughly  representative.  To  overcome  this,  we 
kept  accounts  for  families  who  could  not  do  it  for  themselves, 
Table  1,  page  200;  also  Appendix  III. 
194 


APPENDIX    I 

visiting  them  daily  or  every  other  day  for  that  purpose.  Among 
these  were  some  where  the  women  could  neither  read  nor  write. 
As  already  noted,  the  Slavic  families  included  some  newly  arrived 
immigrants  and  were  visited  by  a  woman  speaking  their  languages. 

On  these  points  then,  of  economic  status,  racial  make-up, 
and  intelligence,  a  comparison  of  the  90  budget  families  with  the 
census  of  the  mill  force  shows  that,  taken  as  a  whole,  there  were 
among  the  former  proportionately  fewer  earning  low  wages,  fewer 
Slavs  and  fewer  unskilled.  We  did  not  attempt,  however,  to 
present  in  the  90  families  a  miniature  of  the  town's  population. 
Our  endeavor  was  to  make  sure  that  the  number  studied  included 
small  sample  groups,  each  of  which  would  represent  an  impor- 
tant element  in  that  population.  In  this  we  were  reasonably 
successful. 

The  numbers  in  the  different  groups  were  not  sufficiently 
large  to  make  satisfactory  cross  classifications  including  size  of 
family  as  well  as  race  and  economic  status.  For  this  reason,  the 
conclusions,  with  few  exceptions,  have  been  drawn  from  the 
primary  classifications.  The  occurrence  of  the  hard  times,  to  be 
discussed  later,  dislodged  a  number  of  budget  families  from 
their  normal  economic  groups;  but  the  shifting  was  not  so  great 
as  altogether  to  negative  the  care  taken  to  see  that  initially 
they  were  representative  of  the  different  elements  in  the  social 
make-up.  The  tables  at  the  close  of  this  appendix  and  in  Ap- 
pendix II  give  further  indications  as  to  size,  occupation,  etc.,  of 
the  families  studied. 

Turning  to  our  second  query — how  far  the  actual  expendi- 
tures of  the  families  studied  were  in  themselves  representative — 
we  must  consider  several  difficulties  that  were  encountered  in  the 
course  of  the  work.  These,  together  with  the  methods  employed 
in  overcoming  them  so  far  as  practicable,  should  be  made  clear. 
The  various  items  of  the  budget, — rent,  food,  occasional  expendi- 
tures,— may  be  taken  up  in  order. 

Under  the  first  heading,  that  of  rent,  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
13  of  the  90  families  whose  expenditures  were  analyzed  owned 
their  homes  free  of  mortgage — a  proportion  which  fairly  repre- 
sented the  possibilities  in  this  direction  which  the  town's  life 

195 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

holds  but  a  number  too  small  to  warrant  special  averages.  This 
complication  is  inevitable  in  any  study  of  mill-town  expenditures, 
though  usually  absent  in  tenement  studies  in  a  city.  While 
such  families  do  not  pay  rent  they  have  to  reckon  on  the  cost 
of  taxes  and  repairs.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  estimate 
just  what  these  amounts  would  be  annually  for  the  families 
studied.  The  impression  gained  was  that  as  a  whole  such  families 
spent  for  these  items  less  than  the  equivalent  of  rent  and  therefore 
had  more  margin  for  other  items  than  would  house-renting  fam- 
ilies in  the  same  expenditure  groups. 

To  overcome  this  element  of  variation  the  principal  tables  in 
the  chapter  on  rent  were  based  on  the  actual  rentals  of  the  house- 
renting  families;  and  in  the  chapter  on  food  the  test  of  sufficiency 
(22  cents  per  man  per  day)  arrived  at  by  Professor  Underhill  was 
accepted  as  a  minimum.  Therefore,  for  these  two  most  important 
items,  we  were  able  to  secure  units  unaffected  by  this  element  of 
house  ownership,  to  use  in  the  final  recapitulations  as  to  what  a 
family  could  get  for  a  given  weekly  expenditure.  With  respect 
to  the  balance  available  for  the  remaining  items  in  the  budgets, 
the  effect  of  the  inclusion  of  the  13  house-owners  in  our  general 
schedules  is  not  altogether  clear.  Yet  a  comparison  of  the  average 
expenditures  of  the  90  budget  families  as  a  whole  (Table  9, 
page  45),  with  77  house  renters,  classified  separately  (Table  10), 
seems  to  show  that  their  inclusion  did  not  materially  alter  this 
remainder.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  following  figures  for  the 
families  spending  less  than  $15  per  week  for  all  needs: 


Rent 

Food 

Total  for  rent  and  food 

All  families  (48) 

House  renters  (43). . 

...$2.01 

...   2.25 

$4-73 
4-45 

$6.74 
6.70 

It  was  only  among  those  who  spent  $15  per  week  or  over 
that  the  averages  for  all  families  (as  against  the  house  renters  sepa- 
rately) showed  an  increased  outlay  for  such  items  as  church,  educa- 
tion and  recreation.     The  differences  even  here  were  very  slight. 

With  respect  to  the  next  major  item  in  the  budget,  food 
we  did  not  attempt  to  include  in  the  inquiry  any  dietetic  research 
as  to  the  food  values  of  provisions  used  by  the  families.  Such 
elementary  calculations  as  to  food  values  as  could  be  made  from 

196 


APPENDIX    I 

the  accounts,  indicated  that  it  was  reasonable  to  apply  the  per 
diem  standard  determined  by  Professor  Underhill  in  his  New 
York  estimates  the  same  year,  which  were  based  on  a  careful 
weighing  and  chemical  analysis  of  materials  and  waste.  The 
point  is  more  fully  explained  in  the  text,  page  70. 

With  the  exception  of  insurance,  no  satisfactory  data  were 
obtained  from  the  account  books  as  to  occasional  expenditures, 
as  furniture,  clothing,  expenses  of  sickness,  etc.  Such  items  are 
at  best  an  unsatisfactory  basis  of  computation  unless  accounts  are 
kept  for  the  full  year.  Rather  than  attempt  estimates  on  the 
basis  of  such  data  as  was  secured,  we  made  use  of  conclusions 
reached  in  Professor  Chapin's  exhaustive  analysis  of  the  budget 
estimates  of  500  New  York  families  in  1907. 

The  whole  range  of  expenditures  of  many  families  was  affected 
by  the  industrial  depression  of  1907  and  1908.  As  stated  in  the  text, 
within  six  weeks  after  the  budget  work  was  started  the  trouble 
began  and,  by  the  middle  of  December,  the  mills  were  running 
only  about  half  time,  a  situation  which  lasted  during  the  remainder 
of  the  investigation.  To  make  up  for  reduced  incomes,  rents 
were  allowed  to  run  in  arrears,  stores  gave  credit  freely  to  their 
old  customers  and  money  was  drawn  from  the  bank.  The  budget 
Slavs,  for  instance,  averaged  $3.28  per  week  for  credit,  one-quarter 
of  their  total  expenditure  of  $13.07. 

As  the  depression  was  regarded  as  temporary,  families  did 
not  reduce  purchases  during  this  period  of  waiting  as  much  as 
would  have  been  anticipated.  The  items  probably  farthest  from 
normal  were  those  for  clothing  and  furniture,  since  these  expendi- 
tures could  easily  be  postponed.  Nevertheless,  as  few  families 
were  receiving  full  wages,  the  household  accounts  fell  below  what 
was  customary.  The  elements  of  uncertainty  were  sufficient  to 
render  out  of  the  question  any  close  statistical  deductions  as  to 
actual  expenditures  in  prosperous  times  by  families  classified  by 
their  normal  wage  groups;  as  to  what  proportion  of  their  normal 
incomes  these  families  would  spend  for  the  different  budget  items; 
or  as  to  the  uses  of  any  surplus  which  the  more  prosperous  families 
might  be  accustomed  to.  Much  larger  groups  of  families,  studied  for 
longer  and  more  representative  periods,  would  have  been  essential. 

197 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

It  looked  for  a  while  as  if  the  accounts  being  kept  by 
our  housewives  must  lose  their  value  also  for  the  simpler  compara- 
tive uses  we  had  planned  to  put  them  to.  As  time  went  on  this 
did  not  prove  to  be  the  case.  We  were  seeking  light  on  what  ele- 
mentary household  standards  are  possible  on  an  income,  say,  of 
$12  a  week  in  Homestead.  If  the  period  covered  by  the  investi- 
gation had  been  a  normal  one,  we  could  have  put  opposite  each 
other  a  family's  average  earnings  and  what  the  money  went  for  as 
shown  by  its  account  book,  computed  averages,  and  drawn  simple 
and  direct  deductions  as  to  the  relation  between  wages  and  costs 
of  living  for  each  group.  Instead,  in  analyzing  the  data  from  the 
account  books,  we  divided  the  families,  not  according  to  normal 
wages,  but  according  to  the  amounts  they  actually  spent  per 
week  during  the  period  studied,  including  what  was  purchased 
on  credit  from  landlord,  grocer  and  butcher,  and  what  was 
drawn  from  the  bank.  Rents  and  the  prices  of  food  stuffs 
did  not  change  appreciably  during  this  period.  With  these 
constant,  $12  per  week  would  in  general  buy  the  same,  whether 
the  payments  were  met  out  of  the  lowered  earnings  of  a  family 
during  a  period  of  slack  times,  or  out  of  the  total  wages  of  a  low- 
paid  man  when  the  mills  were  running  full.  For  instance,  take 
the  household  of  a  semi-skilled  man  receiving  say  $2.50  a  day,  but 
working  only  part  time  and  averaging  §11.50  instead  of  $15  per 
week  for  the  period  studied.  If  this  family  lived  on  his  $1 1.50  and 
paid  their  bills,  the  family  was  entered  in  the  "under  $12"  per 
week  expenditure  group.  If  they  drew  money  from  the  bank  or 
secured  credit  at  the  store  for  §2.00  besides,  they  were  entered  in 
the  "$12  to  $14.99"  class. 

So  far  as  total  weekly  expenditures  go,  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
only  in  the  "under  $12"  and  "over  $20"  groups  would  the  result- 
ing averages  probably  be  appreciably  affected  by  hard  times.  The 
latter  group  is  outside  the  debatable  ground:  the  average  expendi- 
ture by  the  former  was,  it  turned  out,  not  far  from  the  customary 
wages  of  common  labor,  with  which  it  was  compared.  The  dis- 
cussion hinged  on  the  important  intermediate  groups.  The  per- 
sonnel of  such  an  intermediate  group,  of  course,  changes,  but  as 
a  statistical  category  it  remains  constant.  Half-time  employment 
would  throw  certain  families  into  the  "$12  to  $14.99"  group  from 

198 


APPENDIX    I 

above,  and  others  would  drop  out  below;   but  the  average  total 
expenditure  would  remain  fairly  stable. 

An  element  of  discrepancy,  however,  enters  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  items  making  up  this  average  total.  For  instance,  in 
the  case  of  the  $i  5  man  cited  above  his  fixed  expenditures,  such  as 
rent,  would  go  on.  They  would  probably  be  higher  than  those  of  a 
man  with  an  income  ordinarily  under  $12,  and  the  balance  free  for 
other  expenditures  would  be  less.  As  affecting  this  discrepancy, 
it  should  be  pointed  out  that  these  semi-skilled  householders  often 
brought  a  higher  grade  of  managing  ability  to  the  purchase  and 
handling  of  food  and  other  household  necessities  than  would 
ordinarily  be  true  of  the  average  laborer's  family,  and  also  that 
they  would  buy,  in  such  a  period  of  depression,  only  the  essentials. 
With  prices  normal,  the  food  or  other  necessities  purchased  under 
such  circumstances  for  a  dollar  were  probably  as  much  as  could 
ever  be  bought  in  Homestead  for  such  a  sum. 

Thus  by  classifying  the  actual  household  expenditures  into 
groups  corresponding  to  the  range  of  wages  paid  in  the  mills,  light 
was  thrown  on  what  an  average  family  at  each  wage  level  might 
reasonably  secure  from  its  weekly  earnings  in  ordinary  times. 
The  90  budgets,  therefore,  afforded  a  body  of  specific  indications 
correcting  and  strengthening  the  general  impressions  received,  as 
to  how  far  earnings  current  in  Homestead  would  go  (a)  for  an  un- 
skilled immigrant  who  seeks  a  foothold  in  this  country  through  a 
job  as  common  laborer,  or  (6)  for  the  American  who  looks  to  his 
work  as  a  permanent  basis  for  livelihood. 

The  following  tables  relating  to  the  budget  study  supplement 
those  given  in  the  text. 


199 


as 
< 

w 
z 

d 
Z 

J 

as 

HI 
Q 
in 
H 

D 

o 

z 
o 
p 
< 

0. 

D 
(J 

5 

"3 

0^     -  ^0  t  . 

rr\        •   tj-vo   ii~v 

u^       .   COO   ^~ 

res      O 

i   S 

O-S 

:  :  :- 

-     :-  :  : 

—     ;  !  -  « 

rr\       —    —   —    — 

rr       G> 

"g" 

o. 

!       *    *    !  w 

-     :::: 

:    « 

:     :  :-- 

«.:::: 

CQ 

:     :-  :  : 

:  '.  "i-  : 

^r       u-s 

:     :-  :  : 

-     :  :  :  : 

:     :vd  :  : 

^0        t^ 

:    -«:: 

m      its 

J 

is 
o 

o 

a-   •    ■    • 

c- .    . 

.     •  —  •  • 

...    . 

O            •    M    .    - 

-    :««- 

C-        •     .  rr\   • 

rr\      re* 

•      •    <N    — 

rf\          •    —    -    — 

-    :  :  :- 

m       tj- 

~5 

so 

:     :  :-  : 

-     :  :~- 

«     :  :  :  : 

'.        rrs 

-a. 
5 
O 

g 
o 
S 

Under  $12.00 
$12.00-$  1 4.99 
$15. 00-$  1 9.99 
$20.00  and  over 

Total    . 

Under  $12.00 

$12.00-$  14.99 
$15. 00-$  19. 99 
$20.00  and  over 

Total    . 

f  Under  $12.00 
$12.00-$  14.99 
$15.00-$  1 9-99 
$20.00  and  over 

Total    . 

Under  $12.00 
$12.00-$  14.99 
$15.00-$  1 9.99 
$20.00  and  over 

Total    . 

Total  all  races 

A*IS 

■jng  -ds  ■' 

3113     ajiqM  'J1 

'N       p9j°i°: 

) 

200 


APPENDIX    I 


TABLE  2. — AVERAGE  NORMAL  WEEKLY  INCOME  AND  INCOME  FROM 
SPECIFIED  SOURCES,  OF  90  BUDGET  FAMILIES. — BY  RACIAL 
GROUP 


Racial  Group 

Number 

of 
family 

Average 
weekly 
income 

Income  from 

Man 

Sons 

Wife 

Lodgers 

Bank 

Slav    . 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.   . 
Nat.  White        . 
Col 

29 
'3 
25 
23 

1 1 3.88 
20.53 
22.93 
17.92 

$12.08 
16.41 

18.95 
13.27 

$  .52 
3.85 
2.20 
1.30 

%  -34 

.24 
2.15 

$  .94 
•27 
•34 
1.20 

$1.20* 

*  This  family  had  recently  sold  a  store  and  were  regularly  drawing  money 
from  bank. 


TABLE  3. — 90  BUDGET  FAMILIES. — BY  NUMBER  OF  FAMILIES  HAVING 
INCOME    FROM     GIVEN     SOURCES     IN     NORMAL    TIMES    AND    BY 


RACIAL    GROUP 


Number 

of 
Families 

Families  with  Income  from 

Racial  Group 

Man  only 

Woman 

Sons 

Lodgers 

Slav       .        .        .        . 
Eng.  Sp.  Eur. 
Nat.  White  . 
Colored. 

29 
13 
25 
23 

'4 
9 
16 
14 

2 
6 

6 

4 

5 

2 

9 

3 
5 

Total     . 

90 

53 

9 

■7 

18 

TABLE    4. — AVERAGE    SIZE   OF    FAMILIES,  AND  OF  FAMILIES   INCLUD- 
ING LODGERS. — BY  EXPENDITURE  AND  NATIONALITY  GROUPS 


Under  $12 

$12.00   TO 

$14.99 

$15.00  TO 
$19.99 

$20  AND 

Over 

Total 

Nationality. 

.*5 

.5  2 

11 

s.S'S 

1      5 

•"S  *« 

g.5"g 

1    5 

•"3  <*c 

^2 

^3 

l-s-g 

^3 

Slav  .        .        . 
Eng.  Sp.  Eur.  . 
Nat.  White      . 
Colored     . 

37 

7.0 
40 

2-5 

3.9 
7.O 
4.0 

3-2 

4.2 

7-3 
7.0 

4-3 

7-2 

7-3 

7.0 

47 

4-4 
5.0 

4-4 
4.0 

7-i 
5.0 

4-5 
4.0 

47 
77 
4.8 
4.0 

47 
77 

5-2 
4.0 

4-' 
6.8 
4.6 
3-4 

5-3 
6.8 
4.8 
3.8 

Total  average 

37 

39 

5-2 

6.3 

4-4 

5-3 

5-2 

5-4 

4.4 

0.5 

homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

TABLE    5. — 90  BUDGET  FAMILIES.       NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  PER  ROOM. 
— BY  RACIAL  GROUP 


Families  Having 


Racial  Group 

Total  Families 

One  Person 
per  Room 

Two  Persons 
per  Room 

Three  or  More 

Persons  per 

Room 

Slav.  . 

Nat   White       . 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.   . 

Colored 

29 
25 
■3 
23 

6 
20 

7 
■7 

9 
4 
4 
6 

14 

2 
0 

Total . 

90 

5° 

23 

'7 

TABLE  6.— NUMBER  OF  HOUSE-OWNING  AND  HOUSE-RENTING 
FAMILIES  HAVING  WATER  IN  HOUSE,  AND  NUMBER  HAVING  TWO 
OR  MORE   PERSONS   PER  ROOM. — BY   EXPENDITURE  GROUP 


Expenditure 
Group 

Total  Number 
of  Families 

Number  of  Families   Having 

Water  in  House     Two  or  More  Persons  per  Room 

Under  $12.00    . 
I12.00-f14.99  . 
1 1 5. 00-$  1 9. 99  . 
$20.00  and  over 

23 
19 

12 
5 

14 
16 

16 
10 
9 

5 

Total  . 

90 

47 

40 

TABLE  7. — 90  BUDGET    FAMILIES   OCCUPYING   TENEMENTS  OF  SPECI- 
FIED NUMBER  OF  ROOMS. — BY  RACIAL  GROUP 


Total 
Fam- 
ilies 

One 
Room 

Two 
Rooms 

Three 
Rooms 

Four 
Rooms 

Five 
Rooms 

Six 
Rooms 

Racial  Group 

Number 
Families 

Number 

of 
Families 

Number 

of 
Families 

Number 

of 
Families 

Number 

of 
Families 

Number 

of 
Families 

Slav.         .        . 
Eng.  Sp.  Eur.  . 
Nat.  White  .    . 
Colored .    . 

29 
'3 
25 
23 

5 

■5 
6 

5 
3 

I 

4 

5 
5 
8 

2 

7 

2 

3 
10 

1 

202 


APPENDIX    I 

TABLE  8. — 90  BUDGET  FAMILIES  OCCUPYING    SPECIFIED   NUMBER  OF 
ROOMS. — BY  EXPENDITURE  GROUP 


Expenditure  Group 

Total 
Fam- 
ilies 

One 
Room 

Two 
Rooms 

Three 
Rooms 

Four 
Rooms 

Five 
Rooms 

Six 

or  more 

Under  $12.  00 
$12.00-$  1 4.99 
$15.00-$  1 9.99      . 
$20.00  and  over  . 

n 

19 

5 

10 

I 

2 

3 

4 
7 
3 

1  1 
6 

3 

2 

5 
4 

2 
2 
2 
8 

Total     . 

90 

5 

21 

'7 

22 

" 

>4 

TABLE  9. — COST  OF  CERTAIN  ARTICLES  OF  FOOD  IN  NINE  CITIES 
AND  RATIO  OF  THE  COST  OF  THESE  ARTICLES  IN  OTHER  CITIES 
TO  THE  COST  IN   PITTSBURGH. — BY  CENTS  PER  POUND* 


Article 

l 
"a 

=0 

a 

C3 

0 

be 

8 

r-S 

a. -3 

a,  a 

CO 

'3 
0 

3? 

►S5 

s 

0  s 
"•a  -p 

0  ■"£ 

a.  a. 

Beans 

Chuck  Roast  . 

Salt  Beef. 

Bread  (lb.)      . 

Butter      . 

Cheese 

Corn  meal 

Lard.       . 

Molasses  (gal.) 

Mutton  (leg)   . 

Fresh  Pork  (chops 

Bacon 

Prunes     . 

Rice. 

Veal  Cutlet      . 

.10 

•'3 
.10 
.05 

ft 

.02-| 
.10 

% 

•'3 

.08 
.08 

.21 

.IO 
.1  I 
.08 
.05 

3 

•55 
.12 
.14 

.09 

.28 

.08 
.06 
.06 
•05 

•25 

•'5 

■  02h 
^OO 

a6 
.07 

.09 
..6 

09 

1  2 
08 

26 

19 
04 
12 
55 

>7 
18 
10 
09 
25 

.09 
.12 
.11 

•05 

1i 

.02^ 
.1 1 
.50 
•13 
•'3 

3 

.08 
.22 

074 
IO 
07 
05 

27 
l\ 

I2j 
60 
I  I 
I2i 
20 

>7 

.1 1 

•13 

.07 
.05 

.16 

.02^ 

.12 

.40 

.08^ 

•'3 

.10 

•■5 

IO 

I2l 

08 

05 

32 

20 

02 

'd 

'3 

17 

10 

09 
19 

10 

12* 

IO 

05 

3' 
17 
02^ 

& 

'3 
■4* 
18 
IO 
09  \ 

23i 

2 

2 

2 
3 
4 

2 
2 

2 

3 

Total 
Ratio 

2-33 
93 

2.32 
93 

2.08$ 

83 

2.40 
96 

2.26* 

- 

2.21 
89 

2.03 
81 

2.45 
98 

2-49* 
100 

From  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor  Report,  July,  1907,  pp.  175-328. 
203 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


TABLE  10.— TOTAL  AVERAGE  WEEKLY  EXPENDITURES  OF  HOUSE- 
RENTING  FAMILIES  EXPENDING  LESS  THAN  $12  A  WEEK,  AND 
PROPORTIONS   SPENT  FOR  FOOD  AND  RENT. — BY    RACIAL  GROUP 


*>  -"is 

S  K 

1* 

Is   <o 
Sol! 

Food 

Rent 

Total 

Racial  Group 

s 

s 

s 

0 

8 

0, 

s 
a 
0 
§ 

s 
a. 

Slav 

Eng.  Sp.  Eur.. 

Nat.  White.    .       .       . 

Colored      . 

'3 

2 
2 
I  1 

$8.85 
IO.30 
Q.82 

8.98 

$4.31 

4.46 

3'5 
3.22 

48.7 

43-3 
32.. 
36.0 

$1.64 
3.38 
3.85 
2.22 

.8.5 

31.9 
39.2 
24.7 

$5-95 
7.84 
7.00 
5-44 

67.2 
75-2 

60.7 

Total  average 

28 

$9.08 

§3 -8  ■ 

42.0 

$2.15 

237 

$5.96 

65.7 

TABLE    II. — AVERAGE    EXPENDITURE    FOR   FOOD  PER  MAN   PER  DAY. 
—  BY    SIZE   OF    FAMILY    AND    EXPENDITURE    GROUP 


$12.00    TO 

$15.00  TO 

$20.0C 

AND 

Under 

$12.00 

$14.99 

$19.99 

Ov 

ER 

Number 

in 

Num- 

Average 

Num- 

Average 

Num- 

Average 

Num- 

Average 

Family 

ber  of 

Ex- 

ber of 

Ex- 

ber of 

Ex- 

ber of 

Ex- 

Fam- 

pendi- 

Fam- 

pendi- 

Fam- 

pendi- 

Fam- 

pendi- 

ilies 

ture 

ilies 

ture 

ilies 

ture 

ilies 

ture 

2 

10 

$  '.27 

3 

$'■39 

3 

$  '.52 

3 

10 

.22 

5 

$  .27 

7 

•45 

2 

.70 

4 

5 

.22 

3 

•33 

3 

•35 

4 

•33 

5 

.19 

3 

•27 

3 

.21 

4 

•31 

6 

3 

.19 

3 

.24 

3 

.29 

1 

•27 

7 

1 

.22 

.19 

1 

•25 

2 

•27 

8 

1 

•'3 

1 

.1 5 

3 

.22 

9 

1 

.21 

1 

.10 

3 

•39 

204 


APPENDIX 

TABLES  GIVING  GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  AND  AVERAGE 

BUDGET 
SLAVS 


■■is 

■Ci, 

3 

■0. 
O 

.8, 

Remarks 

t    ■. 

Slovak 

28 

Laborer 

7 

2 

4 

No 

Are  buying  home.     Son,  21,  also  a  laborer. 

2 

16 

2 

2 

3 

" 

Neither    can    read    nor  write  even  in    Slavic. 
Niece  and  one  other  lodger. 

3 

11 

4 

«< 

3 

O 

3 

" 

Young  couple,  married  here.     Home  well  fur- 

nished.    Have  made  prosperous  start. 

4 
5 
6 

" 

3 

i' 

2 

O 

1 

Yes 

Young  couple. 

11 

8 

11 

3 

O 

1 

No 

Son,  14,  at  work.     Own  property  in  old  country. 

« 

2 

'i 

2 

O 

2 

Yes 

Man    already   arrested   for   intemperance   and 

abusing  wife. 

7 

11 

8 

11 

3 

O 

1 

Yes 

Woman  frail.     Several  children  have  died. 

11 

8 

11 

4 

2 

Two    little   children.     Have    money    in    bank. 

Under 

Only  working  part  time. 

9 

$12 

11 

6 

Day  man3 

4 

O 

2 

No 

Young  couple,  married   here;    two    little   chil- 

dren.    Are    furnishing    home    on    instalment 

plan. 

IO 

" 

8 

Laborer 

2 

O 

2 

" 

Poorly  furnished  home.     A  child  is  in  old  coun- 
try with  relatives. 
Inclined  to  drink.     Poorly  furnished,  unattrac- 

XI 

« 

14 

Day  man 

S 

O 

2 

" 

tive  home. 

11 

16 

Laborer 

6 

2 

2 

Yes 

Intemperate  man,  at  one  time  insane. 

13 

3 

3 

O 

1 

No 

Young  couple.     Man  earns  usually  about  $2.25 

a  day.     One  room  with  but  little  furniture. 

11 

7 

Day  man 

2 

Q 

1 

Came  to  United  States  when  14.     Now  an  en- 

14 

gineer  in  mill.     Married  6  months  ago  to  girl 
of  17. 

IS 

« 

12 

Laborer 

6 

4 

4 

Nephew  lives  with  them.     Woman  exhausted 

by  hard  work. 
Man  says  his  health  has  been  affected  by  mill 

16 

„ 

14 

,. 

4 

0 

2 

« 

work;     he   must   drink   to  stand   it.      Home 

$12 

fairly  comfortable  but  small. 

17 

TO 
$14-99 

Hung. 

10 

Tonnage 

3 

0 

2 

" 

Have  money  in  bank  and  property  in  old  coun- 
try.    Only  one  little  child. 

18 

Slovak 

10 

Laborer 

4 

8 

4 

Yes 

Woman  born  here.     Man  intemperate.     Home 

poorly  furnished.     Woman  fairly  capable. 
Man  of  50,      Have  to  take  boarders  to  manage 

10 

IS 

" 

4 

3 

2 

No 

on  his  wages. 

,, 

19 

S 

8 

3 

Yes 

Family  came  recently.     Have  property  in  old 

country  and  also  have  money  in  bank. 

21 

" 

7 

Tonnage 

4 

2 

2 

No 

Earns  $2  to  $3  a  day.     Says  "  has  two  boarders 

to  help  earn  a  living." 
Naturalized.        Own   home.        Representative 

22 

11 

18 

Day  man 

4 

0 

3 

Yes 

older  residents. 

23 

$15 

6 

11 

2 

2 

2 

No 

Young  couple.     Man  only  22  but  semi-skilled. 

TO 

Are  saving  for  a  home. 

24 

$19.99 

■  I 

3 

Laborer 

9 

2 

2 

Home  poor,  health  not  good.     Take  lodgers  to 

help  inadequate  income. 
'  Man  formerly  miner.     Now  earns  $3.50  a  day 

11 

17 

Day  man 

6 

0 

4 

Yes 

25 

|     in  mill.     Has  rheumatism.     One  child  feeble- 

j     minded. 

26 

6 

Laborer 

3 

s 

2 

No 

Man  injured  in  mill,  out  of  work  10  months. 

$150  from  company  and  income  from  lodgers 

supports  family. 

27   ]          $20 

Hung. 

7 

Tonnage 

4 

0 

3 

Yes 

Thrifty  Protestant  family.     Home  simple,  but 
1     attractive. 

-,«             AND 
28           OVER 

Slovak 

2 

Laborer 

4 

0 

2 

No 

Married  in  Hungary.     Man  came  over  first. 

Hung. 

6 

6 

0 

2 

Son  also  laborer.     Has  savings;   drew  on  them 

29 

for  extra  expenses  at  death  of  child  recently. 

206 


WEEKLY  EXPENDITURE  OF  EACH  OF  THE  NINETY 
FAMILIES 

SLAVS 


£3 

.1 

S 

«  2 

Average  Weekly  Expenditure  for 

-a 

£ 

(2 

S 

G 

8 
3 
ft. 

38 

a 

a 

s 

£ 

3 

m 

1 

a 
to 

8 

$10.60 

$10.58 

$6.60 

* 

$  .03 

$  .02 

$2.00 

$-39 

$i-54 

1 

6 

H-43 

n.47 

5-35 

$2-75 

.28 

$1.46 

•  27 

•79 

$  .25 

•32 

2 

4 

1 1. go 

11.86 

4.90 

2.25 

.02 

2.44 

.10 

1. 00 

1. 00 

•IS 

3 

4 
7 
4 

6.02 
6.86 

8.48 

$5-8o 

•50 

3-55 

$2.37 

6.03 
6.87 
8.49 

4.80 
3.80 
3-30 

1. 00 
1. 14 
2.00 

•39 
.06 

.. 
.79 
3.02 

$    .07 

.18 
•°5 
.09 

•43 

•14 

•OS 
.06 
.02 

4 
5 
6 

4 
4 

5-25 
10.46 

•5° 
3-87 

5-22 
IO.46 

3-4° 
5-39 

1. 12 
2.00 

.06 
.04 

•54 
1.27 

.10 

.06 

.40 

!8o 

.. 

7 
8 

4 

9.48 

2.48 

9.48 

4.81 

1.62 

■53 

.26 

1.18 

1. 00 

.08 

9 

4 

9-85 

4.41 

9-93 

3-66 

1.87 

•°5 

1.96 

.06 

•45 

.06 

■4i 

1.41 

10 

7 

7.26 

•75 

7-30 

4-25 

1.89 

•05 

•32 

.14 

•25 

.02 

•32 

.09 

11 

S 
7 

8.9S 
9-74 

4-75 

-75 

8.92 
9.70 

4-35 
3-87 

2.00 
.86 

.42 

•59 

131 

2.74 

.09 
.10 

•38 
•74 

.02 
.09 

.16 
•57 

•19 
•14 

12 
13 

7 

936 

9-35 

3-86 

.86 

.66 

1.50 

.26 

•74 

.og 

1.28 

.28 

14 

6 

13-86 

•  75 

13-87 

6.96 

3-5o 

2-31 

■23 

•33 

•54 

15 

7 

13-63 

13-68 

5-8i 

2.29 

•57 

3.08 

.90 

$  .71 

•32 

16 

9 

13-74 

13-73 

3-79 

2.50 

i-iS 

.78 

.12 

.10 

.78 

.56 

3-95 

17 

8 

12.58 

■75 

12.60 

5-84 

2.00 

.89 

1-95 

.19 

.12 

•25 

•15 

.82 

■39 

18 

8 

12.24 

7-57 

13-24 

7-57 

i-7S 

1. 17 

.25 

•23 

1-75 

•  52       19 

5 

17.68 

2.10 

5-6o 

17.67 

7-17 

3-5° 

.82 

2.12 

•44 

.98 

.09 

.go 

1.65 

20 

7 

19.46 

1. 00 

19.61 

11.06 

2.28 

•54 

2.36 

1.22 

•OS 

1.42 

.04 

.64 

21 

9 

19.93* 

19-95 

8.26 

* 

1.40 

1. 21 

•03 

•63 

.08 

i-35 

•65 

6-34 

22 

7 

IS-7I 

15-68 

7.92 

2.86 

.78 

1.85 

.22 

•49 

.og 

1.47 

23 

8 

15.8s 

3-75 

15-65 

7.56 

1-75 

•3° 

1-75 

.38 

.42 

.65 

.01 

•91 

.04 

1.88 

24 

4 

17.00 

16.26 

6.61 

3-75 

1.97 

.04 

iiS 

•05 

2.12 

■50 

.07 

25 

4 

17.46 

13-71 

17-45 

10.77 

2.50 

.10 

1-32 

.36 

1.47 

.63 

•30 

26 

4 

20.34 

20.34 

7.19 

2-37 

•05 

5-20 

I.06 

2.19 

.10 

•19 

•43 

i-S6    ,  27 

20.2g 

24.10 

4-49 
6.64 

10.00 
6.66 

20.21 
24.11 

6.89 
7.28 

1.50 
4.00 

•13 
.04 

.70       . 
3-43 

•34 
•27 

•So 
6.97 

•05 

•92 

1. 00 

10.10  j  28 
.20    ^  2g 

1  Including  credit. 

2  Average  amount  purchased  on  credit. 

3  Paid  per  day  instead  of  per  ton. 
*  Families  owned  home. 


207 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


ENGLISH  SPEAK- 


1* 

s  5 

■a. 
s 

■2 
0 
04 

S3 

3° 

Irish 

14 

31 

Under 
$12 

Scotch 

35 

3  2 

German 

30 

33 

English 

25 

34 

$12 
TO 

3 

$14-99 

Irish 

English 

35 
12 

37  1 
s8 

US 

TO 

Scotch 

29 

27 

39 

$tg.gg 

English 

12 

40  . 
41 

$20 

AND 

Irish 
Scotch 

23 

42 

OVER 

0 

a 
O 

1? 

si 

te; 

Day  man 

6 

0 

4 

No 

Tonnage 

9 

0 

6 

6 

0 

4 

Yes 

Day  man 

5 
8 

0 
0 

4 
4 

No 
Yes 

Conductor 
Laborer 

5 
11 

0 

0 

6 

4 

Tonnage 

3 

0 

4 

No 

Office 

4 

0 

3 

Yes 

Day  man 

8 

0 

3 

No 

Laborer 
Teamster 

11 

7 

0 
0 

8 
5 

Yes 

Tonnage 

5 

0 

5 

Rather  shiftless  family,  always  buy  on  credit. 
No  insurance. 

Two  boys  at  work.  Have  good  income  in  ordi- 
nary times.     Own  house,  free. 

Relatives  giving  food  during  depression. 


Three  young  children.     Own  home. 

Man  formerly  glass  blower.  Irregularly  em- 
ployed in  mill.  Church  gave  a  little  assist- 
ance. 

One  girl  at  home,  two  children  in  school. 

Son  at  work,  pays  $5.00  a  week  board  when 
working.     Thrifty  family. 


Once  a  miner.     Earns  $2.30  to  $3.00  a  day. 

Owns  home,  free. 
Prosperous  home,  musical  family.     Have  sav 

ings. 
Six  children  under  14. 


Two  grown  sons  at  work.     Originally  miners. 

Thrifty  family.  Home  well  furnished.  3  sons 
at  work.     Own  property  in  another  town. 

Man  earns  over  $25  a  week.  Girl  over  14  at 
home  and  boy  in  school.  Have  savings.  At- 
tractive home. 


208 


APPENDIX    II 


ING 

EUROPEANS 

a  —  -3 

•^  si 

-.  Sco 
£a" 

"5 

So 
is 

s 

2  ^~ 

Average  Weekly  Expenditure  for 

If 
s§4 

1 

a 

•3 
St, 

a 
a 

a  *< 

B 
O 

a 

0 

>5 

-a 
a 

"a 

a 

4 

$10.22 

$3-97 

$10.12 

$5.98 

$3-oo 

$    .12 

$  .21 

$  .46 

$    .21 

$.14 

30 

5 

IO.69 

5.00 

10.90 

3-86 

* 

$1.05 

•34 

.20 

.21 

$  .20 

.04 

31 

4 

IO.3O 

1.50 

10.48 

2.94 

3-75 

.27 

.06 

2.52 

■15 

.20 

•59 

L  32 

7 

5 

14.28 
13.92 

2.25 

14.2S 

13-93 

6.49 
5.06 

2.25 
2.50 

.80 

.09 

5.04 

.24 

■39 
•30 

.02 

$  .19 

4.07 
•77 

33 
34 

4 

4 

14.68 
13-82 

1.23 

4-73 

14.69 
14. 11 

9.27 
4.72 

2-75 

i-5° 
.83 

3-29 
•50 

$.27 

.27 
.06 

2.80 

•32 

.36 
1.S6 

,3<5 

7 

15.96 

$2.14 

15-93 

6.80 

* 

8.85 

.29 

.02    f  37 

6 

18.63 

18.64 

5-19 

S-oo 

.83 

1. 00 

•87 

2.65 

•53 

■S3 

2.05   |  38 

4 

13.04 

5-53 

15-02 

5-53 

2.50 

3-12 

.56 

.07 

i-73 

•50 

.22 

•  79    I  39 

4 
4 

29-34 
33-14 

29-35 
33-i6 

20.15 
8-59 

7.50 
6.00 

:s'7 

.10 
9.06 

.20 
•29 

•  58 
.28 

.12 
1.47 

.02 

.70    f  40 
6.58      41 

13 

20.11 

19-91 

8.60 

2-54 

.02 

2.24 

.76 

•  27 

3-02 

.11 

.29 

2.06    1,42 

1  Including  credit. 

'[Average  amount  purchased  on  credit. 

*  Families  owned  home. 


209 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


NATIVE 


-     £ 

* 

a 

*1 

^ 

•£. 

•S  « 

4 

<5 

a 
O 

te;S 

11 

1* 

Remarks 

43 

American 

Tonnage 

3 

0 

4 

No 

Young  man  brought  up  on  farm.  Fairly  com- 
fortable home. 

44 

Under 

" 

Boatman 

3 

0 

4 

Yes 

Man  away  a  good  deal.     Live  comfortably. 

45 

$12 

" 

Tonnage 

6 

0 

6 

No 

In  Homestead  since  a  boy.  Woman  earns  a 
little.     Own  home. 

46. 

" 

" 

4 

0 

5 

Yes 

Man  ill,  unable  to  work,  family  live  on  sick  bene- 

fits, savings  and  credit.     Own  home. 

J      $12- 
47  \     $14.99 

« 

Day  man 

7 

4 

.. 

Man  began  work  at  16  as  clerk;  now  pencil  job, 

shiftless.     Son  messenger  in  mill. 

48  ' 

,< 

Laborer 

8 

0 

5 

4') 

" 

Clerical 

3 

0 

3 

No 

Young  German-American  couple.  Wife  former- 
ly dressmaker.     Neat  attractive  home. 

50 

" 

" 

4 

0 

5 

Yes 

Prosperous  young  couple,  thrifty,  attractive 
home. 

Si 

$15 

" 

Professional 

2 

0 

^e 

Spend  money  freely.  Entertain.  Pay  cash  for 
everything. 

52 

TO 
$19.99 

Day  man 

3 

1 

4 

" 

Earns  about  $3  a  day.  Have  roomy  house  so 
take  a  lodger.     Home  well  cared  for. 

53 

" 

5 

0 

6 

" 

Two  young  sons  in  mill  help  support  family. 
Own  home  free.     Well  insured. 

54 

" 

" 

8 

0 

6 

" 

Have  bought  home  in  suburb.     Woman  compe- 
tent. 
Man  has  fair  salary.     Spend  freely  for  what  they 

55 

« 

« 

2 

0 

5 

« 

want.     Good  home. 

56 

" 

Day  man 

9 

0 

3 

« 

Old  residents  of  Homestead.  Man  worked  here 
before  strike.     Boy  works  in  mill  irregularly. 

57 

" 

Clerical 

2 

2 

7 

" 

Middle  aged  couple.  Man  semi-official  position. 
Had  some  unusual  expenses  so  took  lodgers. 

58 

" 

Tonnage 

6 

0 

6 

" 

Man  not  much  good.     Two  sons  practically  sup- 
port family.     Own  home. 
Old  residents  of  Homestead.     Have  comfortable, 

59 

« 

Day  man 

2 

0 

4 

« 

small  home. 

60 

" 

2 

0 

6 

" 

Went  to  school  till  17.  Since  in  mill.  Earns 
about  $3.50  a  day.     Very  nice  home. 

61 

$20 
AND 
OVER 

Clerical 

5 

0 

6 

Man  has  small  business  of  his  own.  Family 
prosperous,  own  home,  have  bank  account. 
Son  16  in  school. 

62 

" 

7 

0 

6 

" 

Own  home  in  suburb.  Son  in  mill.  Daughter 
at  home. 

63 

" 

Day  man 

s 

3 

5 

" 

German  descent.     Man  earns  about  $2.25  a  day. 

64 

" 

" 

3 

0 

3 

" 

Earns  about  $3  a  day.  One  child.  Small  home, 
have  savings. 

65 

" 

Professional 

4 

0 

6 

" 

Live  well. 

66 

Tonnage 

3 

0 

5 

Ten  years  in  Homestead.  Man  earns  about 
$3.50  a  day.  Savings  in  bank.  Well  furnished 
home.     Irish-American. 

67 

" 

9 

0 

6 

Man  had  small  store  which  he  sold.     Family  liv- 

ing on  savings.     One  son  at  work,  pays  $5  a 

week  board. 

210 


APPENDIX    II 


WHITE 


.«  «. 

•~u"S 

-.  §55 
r1- 

| 
It2 

Average  Weekly  Expenditure  for 

15 

si 

<§ 

fc! 

•5 

c 

c 
a 
>*- 

28 

1 

a 
s 

<3 

a 

tS 

l 

s 

$  9.20 

$.SO 

$  914 

$  4-So 

$  2.50 

$.05 

$.64 

$  -30 

$  .06 

$-38 

$  .06 

$  .65 

43 

s 

4 

10.49 
9.29 

•5o 

10.49 

8.75 

1.79 
6.50 

5*° 

■35 

1.04 

.63 

1.40 

.11 

.06 

-67 

$.05 
.14 

$  .02 

•  53 

•  75 

44 
45 

s 

9-3S 

2.62 

9-35 

4.38 

* 

.40 

1.41 

.08 

.20 

1.20 

•13 

.60 

•95 

46 

IO 

12.80 

i-75 

12.80 

5-92 

3  00 

•51 

•77 

.40 

•25 

1.07 

•03 

.85 

!« 

8 
4 

19-37 
16.  g6 

2.50 

$3.12 

1933 
16.94 

8-33 
6.19 

2.50 
3-33 

2.13 
5-30 

.03 
•17 

.64 
.26 

i-5i 
1. 00 

.04 

■73 

3-42 
.69 

48 
40 

13 

18.04 

•50 

18.07 

6.31 

4.84 

1. 11 

1. 18 

.48 

.68 

.36 

1.82 

1.29 

50 

4 

17-39 

17.38 

5-41 

5-oo 

.82 

•3i 

•49 

i-75 

.12 

3-48 

51 

12 

19-53 

19-51 

6.52 

3-75 

.48 

308 

1.88 

•83 

1.51 

•05 

•59 

.82 

52 

4 

18.16 

18.12 

6.22 

* 

.76 

1.20 

2.43 

.29 

1.08 

6.14 

53 

4 

iS-°9 

1.06 

15-07 

8.64 

* 

1-35 

1-33 

.76 

2.27 

.12 

•SO 

.10 

54 

19.05 

19.03 

4.21 

4-52 

•  58 

2.82 

.91 

I.OI 

.98 

.21 

.20 

•37 

3.22 

.55 

5 

21.09 

21.03 

8.02 

2.21 

•45 

5-37 

1.44 

.60 

•34 

•29 

•75 

I.S6 

56 

IO 

22.00 

21.97 

3-62 

* 

1. 00 

.28 

•17 

•35 

16.55 

57 

S 

20.92 

20.92 

8.56 

* 

1. 00 

1-39 

2.75 

.22 

2-55 

.90 

3-55 

58 

4 

22.42 

1. 00 

22.46 

6.83 

5.00 

1. 00 

1-52 

2.50 

•32 

.28 

.04 

4-97 

59 

5 

22.57 

22.56 

9.22 

5-oo 

3-43 

.80 

1.02 

2.50 

■59 

60 

4 

24.84 

24.84 

7-97 

* 

7-15 

3-71 

304 

2-97 

61 

S 

23-59 

3.12 

23-57 

9-94 

* 

1.44 

9.02 

.83 

•99 

.20 

.04 

1. 11 

62 

S 
4 

28.95 
29.24 

8.00 

28.95 
29.24 

8.50 
8-37 

5.00 

1.82 
.69 

1-34 
3-74 

.84 

.38 

•77 

•  15 
4-5o 

.08 

.28 
.21 

.40 
1.84 

3-96 

4.12 

63 
64 

5 

29.S1 
34-14 

4.00 

29.81 
34.18 

5-21 

14.04 

7-05 
4.00 

.66 
2.47 

2.46 
1.62 

5-57 

•99 
•31 

2.23 
.66 

•35 

.92 
125 

10.29 
3.91 

65 
66 

S 

38.29 

1. 00 

36.49 

38.29 

20.89 

5.00 

•S3 

8.47 

•31 

1.47 

.19 

.46 

•97 

67 

1  Including  credit. 

2  Average  amount  purchased  on  credit. 
♦Families  owned  home. 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


COLORED 


3 

f 

c 

"5, 

"& 

•S 

8  2 

Id 

« 

&5 

c3 

"3 
1 

a 
O 

"J2 

l! 

I1 

Remarks 

68 

Negro 

2 

2 

4 

Yes 

Widow,  earns  living  by  laundry  work  and  taking 
boarders.     One  child  at  home. 

6g 

Window  cleaner 

3 

0 

2 

No 

Man  began  work  as  chore  boy.     Work  irregular. 
Rooms  poorly  furnished  and  unsanitary. 

70 

Janitor 

2 

0 

2 

Man  out  of  work.  Woman  earns  a  little.  Mar- 
ried children  help. 

7i 

Teamster 

3 

° 

4 

Young  couple  with  one  child.  Wife  good 
natured  but  totally  ignorant. 

72 

Undeb 

$12 

" 

2 

° 

2 

" 

Young  couple.  Home  neat  and  well  furnished 
but  dark  and  unsanitary. 

73 

Laborer 

2 

0 

4 

" 

Middle  aged  couple.     Pleasant  home. 

74 

Mason 

2 

1 

4 

Yes 

Man  formerly  miner.     Two  dark  rooms. 

75 

4 

0 

3 

Man  intemperate.  Woman  largely  supports 
home.     Son  unruly. 

76 

Day  man 

3 

0 

2 

No 

Small  dark  tenement  but  neatly  furnished  and 
well  cared  for.     One  small  child. 

77 

Housework 

2 

s 

4 

" 

One  son  at  work,  rest  of  income  from  five  men 

lodgers. 
Small  pay  comparatively.       Have  comfortable 

78 

Tonnage 

2 

0 

4 

Yes 

home  on  hill,  good  garden. 

79  I 

Teamster 

3 

0 

3 

No 

Here  only  a  few  years,  from  Virginia.     Little 

house.  Six  families  share  one  yard. 

86 

3 

0 

3 

Small  shabby  unsanitary  home.  Man's  work 
irregular  in  winter. 

8i 

$12 

Tonnage 

3 

2 

5 

" 

Earns  $2.50  to  $3  a  day.     Nice  home,  well  fur- 

nished. 

82 

TO 
$14.99 

Hod  carrier 

6 

O 

3 

" 

Man's  work  very  irregular.     Home  unsanitary; 

children  sickly. 

83 

Tonnage 

6 

O 

6 

Began  work  on  a  farm,  now  earning  about  $2.50 
a  day.  Simple  but  well  furnished  and  cheerful 
home,  good  garden. 

84 

Laborer 

5 

O 

4 

85 

Teamster 

3 

O 

2 

Yes 

Young  married  couple  with  one  child.  Small 
neat  home. 

86 

$IS 

Tonnage 

6 

O 

S 

" 

Exceptionally  attractive  home  with  large  garden. 
Woman  competent,  man  devoted  to  home. 

87 

TO 
$19.99 

Housework 

4 

2 

3 

No 

Woman  supports  family,  washing  and  lodgers. 
One  son  idle.     Family  rather  degenerate. 

88 

Day  man 

2 

O 

3 

Went  to  work  at  10  picking  cotton,  at  18  into 
mines,  now  semi-skilled  in  mill;  live  over  store. 

89 

Painter 

3 

O 

2 

Yes 

Woman  helps  support  family.    Here  from  South 

8  years. 

f      $20 

90    \        AND 

Teamster 

4 

O 

4 

No 

Elderly  couple.     Two  grown  sons  also  teamsters. 

I      OVER 

Rather  poor  home. 

APPENDIX    II 


COLORED 


^3. 

8w  | 

111 

Average  Weekly  Expeni 

ITURE  FOR 

15 

a 

G 

a 

8 

1 

as 

8 

a 
a 

8 

e5 

3 

■5 

1 

6 

$  7-93 

$1-33 

$  7-90 

$3.02 

$2.50 

$  .08 

$  -5i 

$  .50 

$  .16 

$  .18 

$  .02 

$  .06 

$  .87 

68 

4 

9-93 

1. 25 

9.92 

4.32 

1-75 

.78 

.69 

•03 

1.02 

•27 

•97 

.09 

69 

4 

3-24 

332 

1. 21 

1.50 

.04 

•25 

•05 

•03 

•24 

70 

5 

10.13 

■50 

10.07 

3-oi 

2.50 

.69 

.92 

■53 

•99 

.67 

.76 

71 

9-S° 

950 

3.19 

2.00 

.71 

•92 

•33 

•57 

.19 

•30 

1.29 

72 

4 
S 
7 

11.79 

7-OS 
7.70 

n.79 
7.06 
7.69 

4.12 
2.52 
4.30 

2.50 
2.00 
2.00 

1-39 
.21 
•30 

.64 
.29 

!o8 

■25 
•  13 
•13 

1.80 
1. 18 
.29 

.14 

•25 

•05 

.70 

1.02 

•25 

73 
74 

75 

S 

H-34 

3-07 

n.38 

3.07 

2.20 

1. 00 

3-iS 

.20 

.28 

.26 

.02 

$  .07 

ii3 

76 

S 

11. 18 

•50 

11. 18 

3.76 

2.50 

1.76 

•30 

.12 

1.61 

.30 

•83 

77 

4 

8.QO 

8.99 

2.93 

300 

.02 

1.02 

.06 

.98 

.98 

,78 

4 

12.32 

12.27 

4.27 

1.81 

1.28 

•79 

•37 

•23 

.65 

.06 

.41 

2.40 

79 

4 

12.36 

12.36 

6.32 

2.00 

1-45 

.56 

.21 

•37 

1-45 

So 

8 

14.68 

14.78 

3-99 

4.00 

.68 

2.38 

i-7S 

.12 

•17 

.11 

•05 

•43 

1. 10 

8l 

S 

12.42 

8.42 

12.47 

3-51 

1.88 

■03 

2.09 

•  17 

•07 

4.12 

.60 

82 

4 

12.09 

4-56 

12.12 

8.06 

2.50 

1. 17 

•30 

.09 

83 

4 

12.28 

2.73 

12.29 

6.23 

2.00 

1-45 

.09 

•39 

.08 

I.09 

.96 

,84 

6 

16.86 

16.88 

6.88 

2.80 

.40 

1.77 

.11 

1.41 

.01 

S-oo 

1.50 

2.00 

85 

4 

19.80 

19.80 

8.27 

4.00 

.38 

I.I3 

•59 

2.50 

.69 

2.27 

S6 

18.39 

1.30 

18.41 

5.16 

2.50 

•71 

1. 05 

.85 

1.04 

.01 

5.00 

•74 

1-35 

87 

4 

15-77 

1-75 

15.84 

5-oo 

2.50 

1. 17 

1.38 

.62 

•73 

.81 

.18 

1.98 

1.47 

88 

4 

18.27 

8.00 

18.27 

9.68 

3-oo 

2.6s 

•25 

•37 

.18 

2.14 

,8g 

4 

20.74 

20.74 

8.45 

2.50 

1.62 

•97 

4.60 

.62 

1.98 

90 

Including  credit. 

1  Average  amount  purchased  on  credit 
Families  owned  home. 


213 


CO 


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CO 

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0 

214 


APPENDIX  IV 

CLASSIFICATION    AND    EARNINGS    OF    EMPLOYES    IN 

THREE    REPRESENTATIVE  STEEL  PLANTS   OF 

THE    PITTSBURGH    DISTRICT, 

OCTOBER  1,  1907 

128-INCH    PLATE    MILL 

Men  Earning  Over  I3.33  Per  Day  Earnings 

(i.  e.,  over  $20  for  six-day  week)              Number  Per  Day 

Supts.,  General  Foremen,  30" — 42" — 128"      .        .       2  $6.05 

Heaters 4  7.21 

Rollers 2  8.44 

Rollers'  Assistants 10  4.40 

Shearmen 6  5.58 

Heaters'  Helpers 2  4.09 

Markers 12  3.50 

Roll  Engineers 2  3.37 

Crane  and  Machine  Operators 6  4.18 


Men  Earning  $2.50  to  $3.33  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  $15  to  1 1 9.99  for  six-day  week) 

Clerks,  Timekeepers  and  Weighers  ....  18  $2.63 

Rollers'  Assistants 4  2.83 

Shearmen 3  3.13 

Shearmen  Helpers 38  3.30 

Inspectors 7  2.70 

Millwrights 6  2.68 

Shippers  and  Checkers 7  2.89 


Men  Earning  $2.00  to  $2.49  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  $12  to  $14.99  f°r  six-day  week) 

Markers 3  $2.17 

Shearmen  Helpers 4  2.07 

Crane  and  Machine  Operators 10  2.33 

Common  Labor,  Unspecified  Positions   ...  20  2.40 


Men  Earning  Under  $2.00  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  under  $12  for  six-day  week) 
Common  Labor  (i6£  cents  per  hour) 
215 


49 


$1.82 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 


23-INCH    STRUCTURAL   MILL 

Men  Earning  Over  $3.33  Per  Day  Earnings 

(i.  e.,  over  $20  for  six-day  week)          Number  Per  Day 

Supts.,  General  Foremen 1  $4-6 1 

Heaters 6  498 

Rollers 2  7.38 

Rollers'  Assistants 8  3.83 


Men  Earning  $2.50  to  $3.33  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  $15  to  $19.99  for  six-day  week) 

Foremen 5  $2.80 

Clerks,  Timekeepers  and  Weighers  ....  4  2.53 

Heaters'  Helpers 6  2.99 

Hot  Sawyer  and  Push  Over 2  2.77 

Straighteners 10  2.79 

Cold  Sawyers 8  2.70 

Crane  and  Machine  Operators 4  3-23 

Engineers,  Stationary 4  2.76 

Inspectors 2  2.70 


Men  Earning  $2.00  to  $2.49  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  $12  to'$  14.99  for  six-day  week) 

Clerks,  Timekeepers  and  Weighers  . 


Crane  and  Machine  Operators 
Checkers      .... 


4 
4 

8 

$2.33 
2.47 
2.16 

2 

2.04 

Men  Earning  Under  $2.00  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  under  $12  for  six-day  week) 

Common  Labor  (i6§  cents  an  hour) 

"     Unspecified  Positions    . 


$1.98 
..65 


38-INCH    BLOOMING   MILL 

Men  Earning  Over  $3.33  Per  Day  Earnings 

(i.  e.,  over  $20  for  six-day  week)          Number  Per  Day 

Rollers 2  $6.47 

Heaters 2  6.47 

Supts.,  General  Foremen 1  3°5 

Foremen 4  3-52 

Heaters'  Helpers 8  3.77 

Shearmen 2  3.77 

2l6 


APPENDIX   IV 

Men  Earning  $2.50  to  $3.33  Per  Day  Earnings 

(i.  e.,  $15  to  $19.99  for  six-day  week)          Number  Per  Day 

Clerks,  Timekeepers  and  Weighers  ....  4  $2&7 

Rollers'  Assistants 4  3-°6 

Shear  Helpers 8  2.58 

Inspectors 2  2.70 

Engineers,  Roll  Engine 4  3°4 

Crane  and  Machine  Operators 4  3- '9 

Engineers,  Narrow  Gauge 2  2.94 

Millwrights 6  2.66 

Men  Earning  $2.00  to  $2.49  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  $12  to  $14.99  f°r  six-day  week) 

Clerks,  Timekeepers  and  Weighers  ....       7  $2.48 

Engineers,  Stationary 2  2.37 

Common  Labor  Unspecified  Positions  per  1 00  tons        2  2.16 

Crane  and  Machine  Operators 10  2.02 

Men  Earning  Under  $2.00  Per  Day 
(i.  e.,  under  $12  for  six-day  week) 

Common  Labor  ( 1 6$  cents  per  hour)      ...  58  $1.98 

"     Unspecified  Positions     ...  13  1.90 


217 


APPENDIX  V 


AN  ACT  TO  ENABLE  BOROUGH  COUNCILS  TO  ESTAB- 
LISH  BOARDS  OF   HEALTH.     STATE  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA,  1893 


Town  Council  or  Burgess 
shall  appoint  a  Board  of 
Health  to  consist  of  five 
persons. 


Length  of  term  of  first  ap- 
pointees. 


Shall  be  appointed  by  dis- 
tricts. 

Duties,  etc.,  of  board,  how 
regulated. 


Members  to  be  sworn  and 
shall  organize  annually. 


Section  i.  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  President  of  the  town  council,  or 
burgess  where  he  is  the  presiding  officer,  of  every 
borough  in  this  Commonwealth,  within  six  months 
after  the  passage  of  this  Act,  to  nominate  and  by 
and  with  the  consent  of  the  council  to  appoint  a 
board  of  health  of  such  borough  to  consist  of  five 
persons  not  members  of  the  council,  one  of  whom 
shall  be  a  reputable  physician  of  not  less  than  two 
years'  standing  in  the  practice  of  his  profession. 
At  the  first  appointment  the  president  of  the  town 
council,  or  burgess  where  he  is  the  presiding  officer, 
shall  designate  one  of  the  members  to  serve  for  one 
year,  one  to  serve  for  two  years,  one  to  serve  for 
three  years,  one  to  serve  for  four  years  and  one  to 
serve  for  five  years,  and  thereafter  one  member  of 
said  board  shall  be  appointed  annually  to  serve  for 
five  years.  The  board  shall  be  appointed  by  dis- 
tricts to  be  fixed  by  the  town  council,  representing 
as  equally  as  may  be  all  portions  of  the  borough. 
The  members  shall  serve  without  compensation. 

Section  2.  The  duties,  responsibilities, 
powers  and  prerogatives  of  said  board  shall  be 
identical  with  those  assigned  to  boards  of  health  of 
cities  of  the  third  class  by  sections  three,  four,  five, 
six  and  seven  of  article  eleven  of  the  Act  of  May 
twenty-third,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
eighty-nine,  entitled  "An  act  providing  for  the  in- 
corporation and  government  of  cities  of  the  third 
class,"  which  reads  as  follows,  due  allowance  being 
made  for  the  difference  in  the  municipal  govern- 
ment of  cities  and  boroughs. 

Section  3.  The  members  of  the  board  shall 
severally  take  and  subscribe  the  oath  prescribed  for 
218 


APPENDIX    V 


Salaries. 


Bonds. 


Fee   to  be  paid   into  the 
borough  treasury. 


President  and  secretary 
shall  have  power  to  ad- 
minister oaths. 

Powers  and  duties  of  board 
as  to  infectious  diseases. 


May  establish  hospitals. 


borough  officers,  and  shall  annually  organize  by  the 
choice  of  one  of  their  number  as  president.  They 
shall  elect  a  secretary,  who  shall  keep  the  minutes  of 
their  proceedings  and  perform  such  other  duties  as 
may  be  directed  by  the  board,  and  a  health  officer 
who  shall  execute  the  orders  of  the  board,  and  for 
that  purpose  the  said  health  officer  shall  have  and 
exercise  the  powers  and  authority  of  a  policeman 
of  the  borough.  The  secretary  and  the  health  offi- 
cer shall  receive  such  salary  as  may  be  fixed  by 
the  board,  and  they  shall  hold  their  offices  during 
the  pleasure  of  the  board.  They  shall  severally 
give  bond  to  the  borough  in  such  sums  as  may  be 
fixed  by  ordinance  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  their 
duties,  and  shall  also  take  and  subscribe  the  oath 
required  by  members  of  the  board.  All  fees  which 
shall  be  collected  or  received  by  the  board  or  by 
any  officer  thereof  in  his  official  capacity,  shall 
be  paid  over  into  the  borough  treasury  monthly,  to- 
gether with  all  penalties  which  shall  be  recovered 
for  the  violation  of  any  regulation  of  the  board.  The 
president  and  secretary  shall  have  full  power  to  ad- 
minister oaths  of  affirmation  in  any  proceedings  or  in- 
vestigation touching  upon  the  regulation  of  the  board, 
but  shall  not  be  entitled  to  receive  any  fee  therefor. 
Section  4.  The  said  board  of  health  shall 
have  power,  and  it  shall  be  their  duty,  to  make  and 
enforce  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  to  prevent 
the  introduction  and  spread  of  infectious  or  contag- 
ious diseases,  by  the  regulation  of  intercourse  with  in- 
fected places,  by  the  arrest,  separation  and  treat- 
ment of  infected  persons,  and  persons  who  shall 
have  been  exposed  to  any  infectious  or  contagious 
disease,  and  by  abating  and  removing  all  nuisances 
which  they  shall  deem  prejudicial  to  public  health; 
to  enforce  vaccination,  to  mark  infected  houses  or 
places,  to  prescribe  rules  for  the  construction  and 
maintenance  of  house  drains,  water  pipes,  soil  pipes 
and  cess-pools,  and  to  make  all  such  other  regula- 
tions as  they  shall  deem  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  public  health.  They  shall  also  have 
power  with  the  consent  of  the  councils  in  any  case 
of  the  prevalence  of  any  contagious  or  infectious 
diseases  within  the  borough  to  establish  one  or 
more  hospitals  and  to  make  provisions  and  regu- 

219 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


May  appoint  district  phy- 
sicians and  sanitary  agents. 


Duties    of     all     practicing 
physicians. 


Abatement  of  nuisances. 


Costs  and  expenses. 


May  maintain  system  of 
registration  of  marriages 
and  births  and  deaths. 


Board  shall  publish  neces- 
sary rules  and  regulations. 


lations  for  the  management  of  same.  The  board 
may  in  such  cases  appoint  as  many  ward  or  district 
physicians  and  other  sanitary  agents  as  they  may 
deem  necessary  whose  salaries  shall  be  fixed  by  the 
board  before  their  appointment.  It  shall  be  the 
duty  of  all  physicians  practicing  in  the  borough  to 
report  to  the  secretary  of  said  board  of  health  the 
names  and  residences  of  all  persons  coming  under 
their  professional  care  afflicted  with  such  contagious 
or  infectious  diseases,  in  the  manner  directed  by 
said  board. 

Section  5.  The  said  board  of  health  shall 
have  power,  as  a  body  or  by  committee,  as  well  as 
the  health  officer,  together  with  his  subordinates, 
assistants  and  workmen,  under  and  by  orders  of 
the  said  board,  to  enter  at  any  time  upon  any 
premises  in  the  borough  upon  which  there  is  sus- 
pected to  be  any  infectious  or  contagious  disease  or 
nuisance  detrimental  to  the  public  health  for  the 
purpose  of  examining  and  abating  the  same;  and  all 
written  orders  for  the  removal  of  nuisance  issued 
to  the  said  health  officer  by  order  of  said  board, 
attested  by  the  secretary,  shall  be  executed  by  him 
and  his  subordinates  and  workmen,  and  the  costs  and 
expenses  thereof  shall  be  recoverable  from  the 
owner  or  owners  of  the  premises  from  which  the 
nuisance  shall  be  removed  or  from  any  person  or 
persons  causing  or  maintaining  the  same,  in  the 
same  manner  as  debts  of  like  account  are  now  by 
law  collected. 

Section  6.  The  said  board  of  health  shall 
have  power  to  create  and  maintain  a  complete  and 
accurate  system  of  the  registration  of  all  marriages, 
births  and  deaths  which  may  occur  within  the 
borough  and  to  compel  obedience  of  the  same  upon 
the  part  of  all  physicians  and  other  medical  prac- 
titioners, clergymen,  magistrates,  undertakers,  sex- 
tons and  all  other  persons  from  whom  information 
for  such  purposes  may  properly  be  required.  The 
board  shall  make  and  cause  to  be  published,  all 
necessary  rules  and  regulations  for  carrying  into 
effect  the  powers  and  functions  with  which  they 
are  hereby  invested,  which  rules  and  regulations, 
when  approved  by  the  borough  council  and  chief 
burgess,  and  when  advertised  in  the  same  manner 


APPENDIX    V 


How  penalties,  etc.,  shall 
be  recovered. 

Board  shall  submit  estimate 
of  probable  receipts  and 
expenditures. 


Council    to    make    appro- 
priation. 

Shall  submit  an  annual  re- 
port. 


Communication  with  State 
(Board)  Commissioner  of 
Health. 


Repeal. 


as  other  ordinances,  shall  have  the  force  of  ordi- 
nances of  the  borough,  and  all  penalties  for  the  vio- 
lation thereof,  as  well  as  the  expenses  necessarily 
incurred,  in  carrying  the  same  into  effect,  shall  be 
recoverable  for  the  use  of  the  borough  in  the  same 
manner  as  penalties  for  the  violation  of  borough 
ordinances  subject  to  the  like  limitations  as  to  the 
amount  thereof. 

Section  7.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  board 
of  health  to  submit  annually  to  the  council  before 
the  commencement  of  the  fiscal  year,  an  estimate  of 
the  probable  receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  board 
during  the  ensuing  year,  and  the  council  shall  then 
proceed  to  make  such  appropriation  thereto  as  they 
shall  deem  necessary;  and  the  said  board  shall  in 
the  month  of  January  of  each  year  submit  a  report 
in  writing  to  the  council  of  its  operations  for  the 
preceding  year  with  the  necessary  statistics,  together 
with  such  information  or  suggestions  relative  to 
the  sanitary  conditions  and  requirements  of  the 
borough  as  it  may  deem  proper,  and  the  council 
shall  publish  the  same,  in  its  official  journal.  It 
shall  also  be  the  duty  of  the  board  to  communicate 
to  the  State  (Board)  Commissioner  of  Health,  at 
least  annually  notice  of  its  organization  and  member- 
ship, and  copies  of  all  its  reports  and  publications, 
together  with  such  sanitary  information  as  may 
from  time  to  time  be  required  by  said  State 
(Board)   Department. 

Section  8.  All  acts  or  parts  of  acts  inconsis- 
tent with  or  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  act  are 
hereby  repealed. 

Approved — The  1  ith  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1893. 


Robt.  E.  Pattison 


221 


APPENDIX  VI 

REPORT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  HEALTH  OF  THE  BOROUGH 

OF  HOMESTEAD  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING 

DEC.  31,  1908* 

To  the  President  and  Members  of  the  Council  of  the  Borough  of 

Homestead. 
Gentlemen: — 

We  submit  to  your  honorable  body  a  report  of  the  work 
accomplished  by  your  Board  during  the  past  year.  The  Sanitary 
Work  as  reviewed  in  our  last  report  has  been  carried  on  as  vigor- 
ously as  at  any  time  in  the  past,  and  the  work  done  in  this  respect 
will  speak  for  itself  in  figures  compiled  for  that  purpose  herein- 
after incorporated.  Besides  taking  care  of  the  regular  work  of 
our  department,  we  have  given  no  little  attention  to  the  milk 
question.  With  the  help  of  the  Council  we  have  been  able  to  have 
passed  and  approved  a  set  of  Model  Rules  and  Regulations 
governing  every  phase  of  conditions  whereby  the  town  can  be  kept 
in  a  clean  and  sanitary  condition  if  the  same  are  obeyed,  and  giving 
us  power  to  punish  the  offender  if  the  same  are  not  obeyed.  As 
we  have  said  before,  the  milk  question  has  been  given  more  atten- 
tion than  has  been  customary  in  the  past,  as  this  question  has 
become  a  real  live  one,  and  there  are  not  many  users  of  milk  in  a 
municipality  who  ever  give  the  question  a  thought  as  to  what  the 
conditions  and  surroundings  are  at  the  barns  from  which  they 
derive  their  milk  supply.  There  is  no  commodity  that  is  so 
susceptible  to  surrounding  conditions  and  which  is  so  easily  con- 
taminated as  milk.  If  barns  and  their  surroundings  are  not  kept 
in  an  extraordinary  sanitary  condition  the  odors  arising  from  the 
filth  contaminate  the  milk  and  make  it  unwholesome.  Your 
Board  has  gone  into  this  phase  of  the  question  thoroughly  and 
had  one  of  the  Inspectors  from  the  State  Board  investigate  every 

*For  an  interesting  comment  on  The  Pittsburgh  Survey  see  p.  224. 
222 


APPENDIX   VI 


dairy  from  which  Homestead  draws  its  milk  supply  and  make  a 
written  report  of  each  one  separately  to  us,  and  on  an  average  the 
majority  of  the  dairies  were  in  a  fair  condition.  A  few  were  above 
the  average  and  are  model  dairies,  while  a  few  were  in  a  filthy 
condition  and  were  given  the  option  by  your  Board  of  either  bring- 
ing the  same  up  to  the  standard  within  a  specified  period  or  cease 
selling  milk  within  the  corporate  limits  of  the  Borough.  We  are 
pleased  to  say  that  there  is  a  steady  improvement  going  on  in  the 
few  real  bad  dairies,  and  we  shall  not  cease  our  crusade  against 
them  until  they  are  up  to  the  standard  required  by  law.  We  have 
also  had  some  prosecutions  against  local  dealers  for  selling  adul- 
terated milk,  and  in  all  prosecutions  disposed  of  to  date,  conviction 
has  been  secured  and  the  guilty  parties  fined.  This  is  the  worst 
feature  of  the  milk  business  we  have  to  contend  with.  During 
the  summer  months  formaldehyde,  a  rank  poison,  is  put  in  the  milk 
by  unscrupulous  dealers  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  it,  and  as  a 
general  rule  the  amount  of  formaldehyde  used  for  preserving 
purposes  when  drank  with  the  milk,  will  not  injure  an  adult 
person,  but  is,  without  a  doubt,  fatal  to  children.  This  has  been 
demonstrated  by  our  most  eminent  medical  men,  and  we  are  de- 
termined to  continue  prosecutions  against  all  violators  of  the  law 
in  this  respect.  As  no  human  being  could  conceive  of  a  more 
dastardly  or  contemptible  piece  of  work  under  the  guise  of  modern 
business  methods  than  this,  any  contamination  of  food  to  be  con- 
sumed by  human  beings,  and  especially  that  used  by  infants, 
should  be,  and  we  are  determined  shall  be,  prosecuted  to  the  limit 
of  the  law.  We  have  made  a  start  in  this  direction  and  we  shall 
continue  until  the  law  is  fully  respected  in  this  particular.  We 
have  also  begun  an  innovation  by  requesting  the  milk  dealers  to 
co-operate  with  us  in  the  thorough  cleansing  of  the  milk  bottles 
before  refilling,  and  in  this  respect  we  have  demanded  that  they 
be  not  allowed  to  deliver  milk  in  bottles  to  houses  where  a  con- 
tagious or  infectious  disease  has  developed,  believing  that  by  this 
method  we  can  prevent,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  spread  of  these 
diseases,  as  milk  bottles  used  in  houses,  where  contagious  or 
infectious  diseases  have  developed,  if  not  thoroughly  cleansed, 
are  liable  to  become  contaminated  and  carry  these  diseases  into 
other  homes.     So  we  believe  much  good  will  come  from  this  order 

223 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

if  properly  lived  up  to,  and  if  any  violators  of  this  order  are  caught 
we  propose  to  destroy  the  bottles  in  question,  as  we  consider  this 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  good  health  of  the  community. 

SANITARY  CONDITIONS 
With  respect  to  the  general  sanitary  conditions  of  the  town 
we  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  work  we  have  accomplished  since 
our  last  report  justifies  us  in  saying  that  the  general  conditions  are 
considerably  better  than  they  were  one  year  ago.  During  the 
first  part  of  the  year  we  requested  the  co-operation  of  the  public 
in  general  to  assist  us  in  making  the  sanitary  conditions  of  the 
Borough  the  best  in  its  history  by  procuring  garbage  cans  that 
would  not  leak,  and  keep  the  same  covered  at  all  times,  and  to 
keep  all  garbage  and  refuse  matter  in  these  cans,  and  have  the 
same  emptied  at  least  once  each  week,  as  specified  in  the  Borough 
Ordinance,  and  urged  them  not  to  throw  these  substances,  so 
deleterious  and  dangerous  to  the  public  health,  around  openly  in 
the  yard,  and  in  this  respect  we  can  say  we  have  reason  to  compli- 
ment the  largest  portion  of  our  population  for  complying  with  this 
order  and  co-operating  with  the  Board  for  the  benefit  of  not  only 
themselves,  but  for  the  entire  community.  While,  on  the  other 
hand,  certain  classes  of  people,  as  you  will  find  in  every  community 
pay  no  attention  whatever  to  sanitary  measures  and  have  to  be 
compelled  by  our  Inspectors  to  even  keep  clean  the  inside  of  the 
house  in  which  they  live.  This  condition  is  unwarranted  in  a 
civilized  community,  but  nevertheless  true.  In  some  instances 
to  get  them  to  obey  the  law  in  this  respect  we  are  compelled  to 
resort  to  prosecution,  but  we  are  determined  to  keep  the  Borough 
in  a  clean,  sanitary  condition  at  any  cost. 


A  LITTLE  ABOUT  THE  PITTSBURG  SURVEY  WITH  REGARD  TO 
CONDITIONS  IN  HOMESTEAD 
The  conditions  portrayed  by  this  Survey  had  a  tendency  to 
exaggerate  to  a  certain  degree.  It  is  not  our  intention  to  criticize 
the  work  done  by  this  Survey  or  to  do  anything  to  interfere  in 
any  manner  with  the  good  the  originators  of  this  Survey  expect  to 
accomplish.     In  what  manner  they  expected  to  accomplish  any 

224 


APPENDIX    VI 


good  is  beyond  our  comprehension.  The  mere  fact  of  going  into  a 
locality  and  portraying  the  conditions  existing  there,  and  then 
producing  them  in  miniature  and  exhibiting  them  in  large  centers 
of  population  away  from  where  the  actual  conditions  exist,  does 
not  in  any  way  improve  the  conditions  of  that  particular  locality. 
It  has  been  true  ever  since  the  world  began  that  to  accomplish 
or  to  succeed  in  any  way  or  in  any  thing  one  must  work  intelli- 
gently and  industriously,  and  the  only  way  that  we  can  conceive 
that  conditions  can  be  bettered  in  the  Second  Ward,  Homestead, 
is  by  work  such  as  your  Board  has  been  doing,  and  not  by  exhibi- 
tion, as  done  by  the  Pittsburg  Survey.  And  then  again  conditions 
exhibited  by  them  are  not  the  true  conditions  as  existing  today. 
This  survey  was  taken  nearly  two  years  ago,  and  if  you  will  peruse 
our  last  annual  report  you  will  perceive  that  we  had  undertaken 
during  the  year  1907  to  disseminate  the  occupants  of  overcrowded 
houses,  and  an  inspection  of  the  locality  referred  to  will  reveal  the 
fact  as  to  what  extent  we  have  succeeded  in  relieving  the  conges- 
tion of  overcrowded  houses.  We  have  been  carrying  this  work 
along  without  abatement  during  the  past  two  years,  and  we  realize 
even  at  this  time  that  conditions  are  not  ideal  by  any  means. 
Yet  we  have  accomplished  so  much  along  this  line  that  the  real 
bad  conditions  found  two  years  ago,  are  not  to  be  found  to-day. 
Occasionally  it  is  brought  to  our  notice  that  there  is  an  overcrowded 
house,  and  our  officers  are  immediately  dispatched  with  orders  to 
compel  the  vacation  of  some  of  the  occupants,  and  in  all  cases  the 
orders  have  been  obeyed.  It  is  impossible  to  prevent  the  over- 
crowding of  houses,  as  the  occupants  can  move  in  while  the  officers 
are  not  in  that  immediate  vicinity.  But  when  we  discover  such 
conditions  exist  we  promptly  have  them  remedied.  It  is  hard  to 
keep  conditions  as  they  should  be  in  this  particular  locality,  but 
we  can  truly  say  we  are  doing  our  best  along  this  line,  and  we  are 
of  the  opinion  that  we  are  accomplishing  something.  So,  with 
all  due  respect  to  the  Pittsburg  Survey,  we  are  still  of  the  opinion 
that  conditions  found  by  them  to  exist  in  the  Second  Ward  and 
exhibited  by  them  in  the  Pittsburg  Carnegie  Library  are  not  the 
true  conditions  as  exist  in  the  Second  Ward  to-day. 


225 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


THE  SPITTING  ORDINANCE 

In  our  last  report  we  congratulated  Council  on  the  enactment 
of  an  ordinance  prohibiting  spitting  on  the  sidewalks  and  in  public 
places,  and  endeavored  to  demonstrate  why  such  an  ordinance 
should  be  rigidly  enforced  for  the  good  of  the  entire  community. 
Some  little  work  has  been  done  along  this  line,  but  not  enough  to 
justify  the  assertion.  We  are  still  of  the  opinion  that  this  is  a 
splendid  measure,  and  believe  much  good  will  come  from  its 
enforcement.  Our  greatest  authorities  on  scientific  matters  have 
demonstrated  and  tell  us,  that  germs  of  disease  are  communicated 
from  one  person  to  another  in  this  manner,  thereby  causing  a 
larger  majority  of  communicable  diseases  than  we  otherwise 
would  have  if  this  measure  was  enforced.  It  is  an  unsightly  thing 
to  observe  where  people  have  expectorated  all  along  the  sidewalk, 
and  should  be  stopped,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  this.  But 
when  the  influences  for  contagion  are  taken  into  consideration 
there  should  be  no  hesitancy  in  a  strict  enforcement  of  this 
ordinance.  We  therefore  recommend  that  the  proper  officers  be 
authorized  to  give  this  matter  their  careful  attention  by  enforcing 
this  measure,  as  we  believe  the  results  obtained  from  such  a  crusade 
will  justify  our  confidence  in  this  ordinance  from  a  sanitary  point 
of  view. 


CONTAGIOUS  DISEASES 

Jan.  i,  1908,  to  Jan.  1,  1909 

Measles 112 

Typhoid  Fever 28 

Pneumonia 24 

Chicken  Pox 18 

Diphtheria 14 

Scarlet  Fever 15 

Pulmonary  Tuberculosis 16 

Cerebro-spinal  Meningitis 6 

Erysipelas 5 

Whooping  Cough 4 

Tetanus         1 

Mumps                  4 

Incipient  Tuberculosis 1 

Total 248 

226 


APPENDIX    VI 

WORK  OF  OUR  OFFICERS 

We  especially  ask  that  a  careful  perusal  be  given  to  the  work 
accomplished  by  our  officers  during  the  past  year.  Our  officers 
have  done  all  the  fumigating,  as  in  the  previous  year,  and  following 
is  a  complete  review  of  the  work  accomplished,  and  we  will  leave 
it  to  the  opinion  of  the  reader  as  to  whether  or  not  the  work  done 
and  the  results  obtained  justify  the  amount  expended  for  this 
purpose. 

Fumigated  after  the  abatement  of  contagious  diseases,  135 
rooms;  dead  animals  hauled  from  off  the  streets,  1 1 1 ;  compelled 
the  cleaning  of  2,158  yards;  compelled  the  cleaning  of  337  cellars; 
made  owners  clean  in  entirety  89  houses;  compelled  the  putting 
in  a  sanitary  condition  79  stables;  supervised  the  cleaning  of  391 
closets;  compelled  the  abandonment  of  42  closets;  had  55  closets 
in  yards  discontinued  and  placed  in  the  houses  instead;  compelled 
the  opening  of  206  clogged  sewers;  condemned  3  buildings; 
tacked  up  300  garbage  notices;  succeeded  in  installing  78  new 
garbage  cans;  visited  56  families  in  quest  of  contagious  diseases; 
served  70  notices  to  principals  of  schools  of  contagious  diseases 
existing  in  families  whose  children  were  school  pupils;  served 
494  written  notices  and  2,125  verbal  ones  to  landlords,  agents  and 
tenants  to  remove  garbage  and  rubbish  from  premises;  compelled 
the  removal  of  54  boarders  and  25  beds  from  overcrowded  houses; 
had  7  manure  boxes  removed  from  alleys;  notified  and  compelled 
31  persons  to  procure  proper  receptacles  for  garbage;  served  45 
copies  of  the  new  Milk  Ordinance  to  milk  dealers  and  30  copies 
to  milk  shippers,  and  collected  for  analysis  24  samples  of  milk 
from  dealers. 

Outside  of  the  work  enumerated  above  our  officers  have 
given  quite  a  little  attention  to  sanitary  conditions  relative  to 
proper  sewering  facilities  in  the  Borough  proper  and  more  especially 
in  the  Third  Ward.  Conditions  in  some  parts  of  this  ward  were 
exceedingly  bad  at  the  beginning  of  last  year,  but  with  a  proper 
portrayal  of  conditions  by  our  officers  to  the  Street  Committee 
of  Council,  we  succeeded  in  having  Council  remedy  the  conditions 
by  the  extension  of  sewers  to  these  districts,  the  result  being  that 
we  were  enabled  thereby  to  make  some  wonderful  improvements 

227 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

along  a  sanitary  line  in  this  ward.  Our  officers  are  yet  of  the 
opinion  that  conditions  could  and  should  be  benefited  still  farther 
by  the  construction  of  sewers  on  Maple  street  and  Seventeenth 
avenue,  and  we  respectfully  submit  this  opinion  to  the  Council 
for  their  consideration.  As  a  whole  we  are  of  the  opinion  that 
our  officers  have  done  remarkably  well  during  the  past  year  and 
we  believe  a  study  of  the  work  accomplished  will  verify  and  justify 
our  belief  along  this  line.  We  therefore  submit  this  part  of  the 
report  to  your  respectful  consideration. 

WITH  RESPECT  TO  EPIDEMICS 
Measles  was  our  leading  contagious  disease  during  the  past 
year  which  was  also  true  of  the  previous  year.  Out  of  the  1 1 2  cases 
for  the  entire  year  55  of  them  developed  in  the  month  of  January, 
and  the  large  majority  of  these  cases  being  in  the  hill  district  or 
Third  Ward.  These  cases  developed  in  so  close  proximity  to  one 
another  and  so  fast  that  they  gave  your  board  some  little  concern, 
but  it  was  finally  gotten  under  control  without  the  inconvenience 
of  resorting  to  any  measures  of  a  harsh  nature.  Epidemics  of 
this  disease  are  caused  through  the  carelessness  of  some  person 
and  we  desire  to  ask  and  persuade  all  parents  to  be  very  careful 
and  not  allow  their  children  to  mingle  with  any  member  of  the 
family  or  to  allow  any  outsider  to  come  into  the  house  while  there 
is  a  case  of  measles  in  the  household.  We  desire  to  inform  every- 
body that  the  majority  of  people  look  upon  measles  as  a  harmless 
disease,  and  in  fact  they  have  every  reason  to  do  so,  as  the  death 
rate  from  measles  has  been  very  low  in  the  past.  But  the  con- 
tinual negligence  in  the  care  of  patients  suffering  with  measles,  by 
allowing  them  to  come  in  contact  with  other  people,  will  result  in 
an  epidemic  of  this  disease  which  will  result  in  a  harvest  of  deaths 
and  compel  your  Board  to  institute  a  quarantine  as  rigid  as  in 
cases  of  smallpox,  thereby  inconveniencing  the  whole  community. 
So  for  the  good  of  the  whole  people  we  ask  the  co-operation  of  the 
entire  citizenship  of  the  Borough  to  appoint  themselves  a  com- 
mittee to  enforce  the  health  regulations  with  respect  to  contagious 
diseases  by  agreeing  to  keep  all  patients  afflicted  with  contagious 
or  infectious  diseases  isolated  in  such  a  manner  that  it  will  be 
impossible  for  these  diseases  to  spread  beyond  the  house  in  which  it 

228 


APPENDIX    VI 

developed.  This  can  be  done  with  very  little  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  and  by  so  doing  a  more  healthful  condition  can 
be  established  and  much  concern  and  anxiety  eliminated  for  not 
only  your  Board  but  for  the  entire  populace.  Let  us  get  together 
and  have  co-operation  in  this  respect  and  ascertain  what  result 
can  be  obtained  in  the  coming  year. 

ANOTHER  WORD  TO  PHYSICIANS 
In  our  last  annual  report  we  gave  a  short  talk  to  the  physi- 
cians of  the  Borough  with  respect  to  their  negligence  in  reporting 
contagious  diseases,  and  when  we  inserted  that  paragraph  in  our 
last  report  we  did  not  think  it  would  be  necessary  for  us  to  again 
resume  this  advice  one  year  hence.  But  we  still  believe,  as  we 
did  one  year  ago,  that  there  has  developed  and  existed  quite  a 
number  of  diseases  designated  as  contagious  under  the  law,  that 
have  not  been  reported  as  required  by  the  Act  of  Assembly.  The 
diseases  that  seem  to  compare  the  worse  are  pneumonia,  mumps 
and  whooping  cough.  There  is  no  physician  in  the  Borough  who 
would  care  to  be  accused  of  being  a  law  breaker,  still  some  of  them 
are  doing  that  very  thing  every  month  in  the  year.  The  diseases 
enumerated  above  are  exceedingly  prevalent  in  some  seasons  of 
the  year,  and  we  ask  the  physicians  to  peruse  the  table  appearing 
in  this  report  and  see  if  it  is  his  opinion  that  this  is  the  correct 
number  of  these  diseases  existing  in  the  Borough  during  the  past 
year.  We  think  each  one  will  agree  with  us  that  a  considerable 
portion  of  said  diseases  have  never  been  reported.  And  on  the 
other  hand  the  physicians  not  only  owe  it  to  themselves  as  law 
abiding  citizens,  but  they  owe  it  more  so  to  the  community  at 
large.  For  in  the  event  of  a  physician  not  reporting  a  very 
dangerous  contagious  disease,  the  Health  Board  not  having 
knowledge  of  its  existence,  some  unscrupulous  person  allows  the 
child  infected  to  enter  school.  Said  action  may  result  in  an 
epidemic  of  this  disease,  and  death  may  result.  This  is  not  a 
square  deal,  gentlemen.  You  are  not  doing  your  duty  in  the 
manner  provided  by  law,  and  you  are  doing  an  injustice  by  so 
neglecting,  to  every  citizen  of  this  Borough.  The  law  requires 
that  these  diseases  be  reported  and  provides  a  penalty  for  a  viola- 
tion.    We  warned  you  a  year  ago  about  your  neglect  in  this  respect 

229 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

and  we  again  inform  you  that  our  advice  was  not  heeded  and  you 
have  again  been  negligent.  We  have  concluded  that  we  are,  and 
have  been  wasting  time  and  energy  in  being  lenient  with  you,  and 
if  this  warning  does  not  result  in  stricter  application  to  the  letter 
of  the  law  in  reporting  the  diseases  therein  specified,  we  have 
concluded  that  we  will  detail  an  officer  on  this  line  of  the  work  and 
arrest  all  violators  irrespective  of  who  they  are.  We  did  not  think 
when  we  issued  a  warning  a  year  ago  that  it  would  be  necessary 
for  us  to  institute  a  threat  in  order  to  get  the  physicians  of  this 
Borough  to  obey  the  law  in  this  respect,  and  we  feel  sorry  to  have 
to  acknowledge  that  our  confidence  was  misplaced  with  regard  to 
this  issue.  We  are  of  the  opinion  that  we  have  come  to  the  point 
when  patience  has  ceased  to  be  a  virtue,  and  harsher  measures 
must  be  employed.  The  measures  agreed  upon  have  been  recited 
previously  in  this  letter.  We  therefore  would  advise  that  the 
physicians  give  this  their  attention  and  govern  themselves  accord- 
ingly. 

BIRTHS 

Born  of  American  parents 360 

Born  of  foreign  parents 558 

Total 918 

Of  these  were  white 877 

Of  these  were  black 41 

Total 918 


BIRTHS  SEPARATED  ACCORDING  TO  NATIONALITY  OF  PARENTS 

American 360 

Austrian 341 

Russian 54 

English 33 

Irish 26 

Italian 25 

Polish 22 

Slavish 2! 

German 18 

Scotch 10 

Roumanian 2 

Welsh 2 

Arabian 1 

Syrian 1 

Swede 1 

Greek 1 

Total 918 

230 


APPENDIX    VI 

A  comparison  of  this  table  with  the  one  of  last  year  will 
reveal  the  fact  that  identically  the  same  number  of  children  were 
born  as  during  the  previous  year,  and  a  comparison  of  the  births 
and  deaths  for  two  years  certainly  shows  that  there  is  no  race 
suicide  in  Homestead,  as  we  have  almost  three  times  as  many 
births  as  we  have  deaths. 

DEATHS 
Jan.  i,  1908,  to  Jan.  i,  1909 

Still-born  and  premature  births 77 

Pneumonia   .        .  72 

Gastro-enteritis  and  Marasmus,  Enterocolitis         ....     67 

Tuberculosis 28 

Nephritis 16 

Convulsions 15 

Meningitis,  now  specific 14 

Heart  Disease ...      13 

Bronchitis 13 

Cirrhosis  of  liver 10 

Accidental  and  Suicide 9 

Acute  Indigestion 4 

Apoplexy 3 

Cerebral  Hemorrhage 3 

Membranous  Croup 2 

Typhoid  Fever 2 

Alcoholism 2 

La  Grippe 2 

Puerperal  Fever  2 

Acute  Peritonitis 2 

Erysipelas 

Necrosis 

Scarlet  Fever 

Asthma 

Pleurisy 

Jaundice,  Acute 

Whooping  Cough 

Meningitis,  Malignant 

Paralysis 

Tonsillitis 

Progressive  Anemia 

Cholera  Morbus 

Total 368 

A  comparison  with  the  report  of  last  year  shows  a  decrease 
in  the  death  rate  of  48.  In  1907  the  total  deaths  were  416  and 
in  1908  it  was  368,  which  is  very  gratifying.  In  1907  we  had  6 
deaths  from  typhoid  fever,  in  1908  we  had  only  2.  This  is  a  con- 
dition that  is  almost  beyond  belief.  Two  deaths  from  typhoid 
fever  is  certainly  a  low  estimate  for  a  population  of  17,000,  and 

231 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

we  believe  bears  out  our  statement  that  the  general  sanitary  con- 
ditions of  the  Borough  have  improved  considerably.  During  very 
prevalent  epidemics  of  measles,  such  as  we  experienced  last 
January,  many  children  die  of  pneumonia,  and  while  no  deaths 
are  recorded  with  measles  as  the  primary  cause,  still  in  a  large 
number  of  cases  it  was  the  contributory  cause.  The  same  is  true 
of  some  cases  of  typhoid  fever.  Only  two  deaths  are  recorded 
from  this  disease  as  the  primary  cause,  yet  a  few  deaths  are 
recorded  from  pneumonia  where  typhoid  fever  was  the  contribu- 
tory cause.  But  even  at  that  we  consider  we  have  been  fortunate 
with  this  disease. 

COST  AND  EXPENSE  FOR  THE  YEAR 

Officers'  and  Secretary's  Salaries $1,730.00 

Printing 224.20 

Formaldehyde 86.40 

Inspecting  Dairies 49.84 

Hauling  Dead  Animals 3' -5° 

General  Expense 26.00 

Supplies 15.93 

Freight 1.89 

Total $2,16576 

The  cost  of  carrying  on  the  work  of  the  department  is  nearly 
five  hundred  dollars  less  than  it  was  for  the  year  1907.  Attention 
to  smallpox  cases  was  a  large  item  in  our  expense  during  the  previ- 
ous year.  There  being  no  cases  of  this  disease  during  the  past 
year  gave  us  a  saving  in  this  respect.  The  printing  bill  is  a  large 
item  in  this  year's  expense  account  and  we  desire  this  shall  be 
understood.  The  model  rules  and  regulations  adopted  by  your 
Board  during  the  past  year  we  had  printed  in  book  form  and 
distributed  throughout  the  community,  a  sort  of  publicity  cam- 
paign for  the  enlightenment  and  education  of  the  people  to  the 
methods  employed  by  your  Board  for  the  preservation  of  the  good 
health  of  the  community,  and  we  believe  the  literature  issued  has 
justified  the  expense  incurred. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

ANDREW  HILL,  Secretary. 


232 


APPENDIX  VII 

RECORD  OF  CASUALTIES  ON  UNPROTECTED  GRADE 
CROSSINGS,  HOMESTEAD,  1905-1907* 

THE  Board  of  Trade  has  compiled  a  record  of  the  grade  cross- 
ing accidents  which  have  taken  place  in  Homestead  from 
Jan.  i,  1905,  up  to  the  present  time,  which  will  be  used  in 
an  effort  they  propose  to  put  forth  to  secure  safety  gates.  The 
record  shows  that  23  people  have  met  death  and  25  have  been  per- 
manently injured  on  grade  crossings. 

Just  how  to  proceed  to  get  safety  gates  seems  hard  to 
determine.  Some  citizens  argue  that  the  borough  can  compel  the 
railroads  to  construct  safety  gates  by  legislation  and  some  that  it 
cannot,  and  as  there  is  no  state  law  covering  the  point  there  seems 
to  be  nothing  to  go  by. 

McKeesport  has  at  last  forced  the  railroad  companies  to 
come  to  time  simply  by  passing  an  ordinance  declaring  that  the 
safety  gates  must  be  constructed  at  all  the  crossings  by  a  certain 
time.  When  the  ordinance  was  first  passed  the  railroad  officials 
only  laughed  at  it  and  declared  the  city  could  not  enforce  the 
ordinance,  but  when  the  time  for  action  came  and  they  found  the 
city  officials  determined,  they  came  around  and  agreed  to  put  up 
the  gates  and  the  material  is  now  on  the  grounds  ready  for  con- 
struction to  begin. 

Mayor  Coleman,  when  he  was  in  Homestead  Thursday 
night,  said  the  safety  gate  ordinance  was  one  of  the  first  ordinances 
he  signed,  and  while  the  railroads  had  demurred  and  delayed 
matters  as  much  as  possible  they  were  slowly  but  surely  coming  to 
time,  and  that  the  gates  would  be  up  within  a  comparatively 
short  time.  The  mayor,  in  conversation  with  a  Daily  Messenger 
reporter,  said: 

"The  material  for  the  gates  is  now  on  the  ground  and  I  do 

*  Reprinted  from  the  Homestead  Daily  Messenger. 
233 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

not  think  the  railroad  companies  will  delay  work  much  longer. 
When  we  first  passed  the  ordinance  the  railroad  people  declared 
they  would  ignore  it  altogether,  but  later  on  they  came  around  and 
wanted  to  compromise.  They  declared  it  was  unfair  to  make 
them  put  gates  up  at  every  crossing  and  wanted  to  compromise  by 
agreeing  to  put  gates  at  the  principal  crossings  but  we  stood  pat 
and  it  now  looks  as  if  we  would  win  out." 

When  asked  if  he  thought  Homestead  could  compel  the 
railroad  companies  to  put  up  gates  by  legislation,  he  said  he  did, 
and  added  further,  that  we  would  never  get  safety  gates  unless 
the  borough  officials  forced  the  companies  to  construct  them. 

The  record  of  the  railroads,  in  killed  and  injured,  as  com- 
piled by  the  Board  of  Trade,  from  January  i,  1905,  to  the  present 
date,  is  as  follows: 

1905 

Killed >2 

Injured '3 

Horses  killed o 

Wagons  demolished 3 

1906 

Killed 6 

Injured 10 

Horses  killed 3 

Wagons  demolished 1 

1907 

Killed 5 

Injured 2 

Horses  killed 4 

P.  V.  &  C,    1905 — Persons  killed,  8;  injured,  9;  horses  and  mules  killed,  5. 
P.  &  L.  E.,  1905 — Persons  killed,  3;  injured,  2;  horses  killed,  1. 
P.  V.  &  C,  1906 — Persons  killed,  3;   injured,  2. 
P.  &  L.  E.,  1906 — Persons  killed,  4;   injured,  2. 

Date  and  name  of  those  killed  and  injured.  Also  news- 
paper reports  of  narrow  escapes: 

1905 

John  Stahl,  Jan.  30,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  injured. 

Empire  Laundry  wagon,  Feb.   1,   1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  two  mules  killed. 
Jos.  Peters  (Slav),  Feb.  7,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Gold  alley,  killed. 
Jos.  Dobrosky,  Feb.  7,  1905,  Gold  alley,  P.  V.  &  C.,  injured. 
P.  J.  Crawford,  Mar.  7,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C. 
John  J.  Hughes,  May  2,  1905,  Union,  killed. 
Walter  Hight,  May  4,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C.,  not  seriously. 

Cleveland  Prov.  Co.  of  Pittsburgh,  May  8,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  horse  killed, 
driver  escaped 

Lawrence  Johnston,  May  29,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C.  Munhall,  seriously  injured. 
M.  Bellot  (Hun.),  June  12,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Amity  street,  killed. 
Willie  Schuette,  July  3,  1905,  P.  &  L.  E.,  West  Homestead,  killed. 
234 


APPENDIX    VI 

John  Uhrin,  sr.,  July  12,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  City  Farm  Lane,  killed. 

Frank  Kovaic,  Aug.  3,  1905,  P.  &  L.  E.,  killed. 

Mrs.  B.  McDonough,  Aug.  10,  1905,  P.  &  L.  E.,  City  Farm  Lane,  killed. 

Jacob  Bernstein,  Aug.  14,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Heisel  street,  seriously  injured, 
horse  killed,  wagon  demolished. 

Samuel  Walker,  Aug.  24,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  McClure  street,  hurt,  horse  killed. 

Jos.  Sinclair,  Sept.  5,  1905,  P.  &  L.  E.,  West  street,  injured,  wagon  struck. 

Eugene  Freidman,  Sept.  10,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Ann  street,  killed. 

George  Verdo,  Sept.  14,  1905,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Heisel  street,  seriously  injured. 

(ohn  Zahornaski,  Sept.  16,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Fifth  avenue,  killed. 

Mike  Metro,  Sept.  23,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Heisel  street,  struck,  injured. 

H.  F.  Botsford  &  Bro.,  Oct.  28,  1905,  P.  &  L  .E.,  Amity  street,  horse  killed. 

Peter  Kilosky,  Nov.  1,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Dickson  street,  injured,  wagon 
demolished. 

Henry  Elicker,  Nov.  21,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Amity  street,  arm  cut  off. 

Jacob  Rushe,  Nov.  27,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Dickson  street,  killed. 

S.  B.  White,  Dec.  13,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  Munhall.  killed. 

Michael  Medzyi,  Dec.  21,  1905,  P.  V.  &  C,  McClure  street,  killed. 

1906 

Mary  Sipas,  Jan.  9,  P.  V.  &  C,  Dickson  street,  leg  cut  off. 

Three  young  girls,  Feb.  13,  P.  V.  &  C,  Amity  street,  narrow  escape. 

Thomas  Roach,  Mar.  31,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Heisel  street,  fatally  injured.  Three 
companions  had  narrow  escape. 

Trolley  car,  Apr.  12,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  fender  taken  off. 

Three  valuable  dogs,  Apr.  25,  P.  V.  &  C,  Amity  street,  killed. 

Loaded  street  car,  Apr.  27,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  narrow  escape. 

John  Milache,  May  10,  P.  &.  L.  E.,  West  Homestead,  seriously  hurt. 

Street  car,  May  14,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  struck. 

Frank  McCarley,  June  13,  dragged  from  McClure  to  Howard  works,  P.  & 
L.  E.,  seriously  hurt. 

Street  car,  July  16,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  Motorman  H.  C.  Smith  and 
G.  H.  Hall,  conductor,  seriously  injured;  three  passengers  cut  and  bruised. 

Joseph  Sogat,  July  2 1 ,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Heisel  street,  killed  instantly,  horse  killed, 
wagon  wrecked. 

W.  H.  Gould's  team,  July  24,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  killed. 

Street  car,  July  30,  P.  V.  &  C,  Amity  street,  narrow  escape.  Two  passengers 
injured  in  jumping  from  car. 

Thomas  Saunders,  Julv  3  1 ,  P.  V.  &  C,  Hays  street,  killed. 

Bernard  Smith,  July  3 1 ,  P.  V.  &  C,  killed. 

Bolo  Kovachy,  Aug.  6,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Dickson  street,  killed. 

Repair  trolley  car,  Aug.  16,  P.  &  L.  E.,  Amity  street,  narrow  escape. 

John  Warko,'Aug.  15,  P.  V.  &  C,  Heisel  street,  pulled  from  tracks  in  time. 

1907 

John  Such,  killed  at  the  McClure  street  crossing  of  the  P.  V.  &  C,  Tuesday 
evening,  January  1 1. 

Robert  E.  O'Connor,  killed  on  Sixth  avenue,  Thursday,  Jan.  10,  P.  V.  &  C. 

Sunday,  Feb.  24,  Penn  &  Shady  car  struck  by  fast  train  at  Amity  street,  25 
lives  endangered. 

Monday,  Feb.  25,  Patrick  O'Mara  killed  at  Ammon  street  crossing,  P.  V.  &  C. 

Tuesday,  July  9,  John  Dryer  had  one  horse  killed  and  another  injured 
at  Heisel  street  crossing,  P.  V.  &  C. 

Stephen  Sweeney  and  Al.  Woodside,  killed  Sept.  21,  at  West  street.  Two 
horses  killed. 

Max  Rosen,  lost  leg  at  Amity  street  crossing,  Sept.  21. 

Clyde  Graham,  aged  4  years,  struck  by  train.     Badly  injured. 

235 


APPENDIX  VIII 

SEVEN-DAY  LABOR 

ORDERS  ISSUED  BY  UNITED  STATES  STEEL  CORPORATION  OFFICIALS 
RELATIVE  TO  SUNDAY  LABOR 
Resolution  with  regard  to  Sunday  labor  passed  by  the  Finance  Committee 
of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  at  a  meeting  held  on  April  23,  1907: 

On  motion,  it  was  voted  to  recommend  to  all  subsidiary  companies  that 
Sunday  labor  be  reduced  to  the  minimum;  that  all  work  (excepting  such  repair 
work  as  cannot  be  done  while  operating)  be  suspended  on  Sunday  at  all  steel  works, 
rolling  mills,  shops,  quarries  and  docks;  that  there  shall  be  no  construction  work, 
loading  or  unloading  of  materials. 

It  is  understood  that  it  is  not  at  present  practicable  to  apply  the  recom- 
mendation to  all  Departments,  notably  the  Blast  Furnaces,  but  it  is  desirable 
that  the  spirit  of  the  recommendation  be  observed  to  the  fullest  extent  within 
reason. 

Copy  of  telegram  sent  to  presidents  of  constituent  companies  of  United 
States  Steel  Corporation  by  Chairman  Gary,  March  21,  1910: 

Mr.  Corey,  Mr.  Dickson  and  I  have  lately  given  much  serious  thought  to 
the  subject-matter  of  resolution  passed  by  Finance  Committee  April  23rd,  1907. 
concerning  Sunday  or  Seventh  Day  Labor.  Mr.  Corey  has  written  you  on  the 
subject  within  a  day  or  two.  The  object  of  this  telegram  is  to  say  that  all  of  us 
expect  and  insist  that  hereafter  the  spirit  of  the  resolution  will  be  observed  and 
carried  into  effect.  There  should  and  must  be  no  unnecessary  deviation  without 
first  taking  up  the  question  with  our  Finance  Committee  and  asking  for  a  change  of 
the  views  of  the  Committee  which  proabbly  will  not  under  any  circumstances  be 
secured.  I  emphasize  the  fact  that  there  should  be  at  least  twenty-four  continu- 
ous hours  interval  during  each  week  in  the  production  of  ingots. 

E.  H.  Gary. 


236 


APPENDIX  IX 
COST  OF  LIVING  IN  PITTSBURGH 

A  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Trade  and  Commerce  to  the  Chamber  of 

Commerce  of  Pittsburgh  on  the  Comparative  Cost  of  Food 

and  House  Rent  in  Pittsburgh  and  Other  Cities 

November   18,  1909 

4  T   a  meeting  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  on  May    13th, 

/\      1909,  your  Committee  on  Trade   and  Commerce  was  in- 

1     \  structed   to  consider  the  matter  of  cost  of  living  in  the 

city  of  Pittsburgh  in  comparison  with  other  cities  similarly  located. 

Your  committee  took  up  the  subject  assigned  to  it  and  had  an 
investigation  made,  but  owing  to  the  adjournment  for  the  summer 
season  occurring  immediately  upon  this  matter  being  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  committee,  and  the  fact  that  several  members  of  the 
committee  were  absent  from  the  first  fall  session,  we  were  unable 
to  have  our  report  prepared  until  this  time. 

In  accordance  with  the  instructions,  your  committee  had  a 
list  prepared  of  standard  essentials  in  food  stuffs  and  a  representa- 
tive of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  was  sent  about  our  city  to  obtain 
the  retail  prices  for  these  articles  of  food  in  various  districts. 
Taking  the  Diamond  Market  as  a  center,  visits  were  made  in  dis- 
tricts diverging  in  all  directions  from  the  established  center.  It 
was  found  that  there  was  a  great  variation  in  the  prices  of  these 
commodities  without  regard  to  location  and  in  most  cases  without 
any  apparent  well-founded  commercial  reason.  In  some  cases 
we  found  the  prices  prevailing  at  the  Diamond  Market  higher 
than  the  same  articles  were  sold  at  some  distance  away  from  this 
center.  It  was  also  observed  that  in  similarly  located  sections 
a  different  range  of  prices  was  given,  ranging  both  higher  and 
lower.  In  fact,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  anything  approaching  a 
consistent  uniformity  of  prices  on  food  stuffs  asked  by  our  mer- 

237 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

chants  for  the  same  quality.  There  was  also  a  tendency  in  many 
cases  on  the  part  of  the  merchant,  or  his  representative,  to  dicker 
with  prices  in  order  to  make  sale. 

After  having  investigated  the  conditions  in  Pittsburgh,  a 
representative  of  the  Chamber  visited  the  cities  of  Buffalo,  Cleve- 
land and  Cincinnati,  and  we  hereto  attach  a  copy  of  the  items  on 
which  prices  were  asked  with  the  average  price  in  these  cities. 

A  calculation  has  been  made  of  the  cost  at  which  a  family 
of  five  persons  could  be  subsisted  for  a  week  in  any  one  of  the  cities 
under  consideration,  using  a  liberal  quantity  of  all  the  articles  of 
food  considered,  which  is  as  follows : 

Cincinnati $'0.33 

Buffalo 10.90 

Pittsburgh n.88 

Cleveland i'-8i 

While  this  gives  a  reasonable  comparison  of  cost,  it  is  not 
probable  that  any  family  of  five  would  use  the  quantities  and  the 
same  varieties  as  used  in  this  estimate;  the  probabilities  are  that 
in  actual  use  in  each  case  it  would  show  a  less  aggregate  cost. 

Consideration  was  given  to  the  matter  of  house  rents  in  the 
cities  named.  It  is  apparent  from  investigation  made  that  the 
rents  in  the  city  of  Pittsburgh  and  the  city  of  Cincinnati  are  about 
the  same  for  like  accommodations,  while  in  Buffalo  and  Cleveland 
the  rents  would  range  slightly  less.  There  are  some  physical  con- 
ditions that  account  for  this— the  topography  of  Pittsburgh  is  very 
irregular  and  the  many  heavy  grades  with  rock  formation  to 
contend  with  make  the  cost  of  construction  of  buildings  necessarily 
higher  than  in  cities  located  as  are  Cleveland  and  Buffalo  on  almost 
level  territory.  Furthermore,  in  Cleveland  and  Buffalo  the  ma- 
jority of  the  houses  are  constructed  of  wood,  while  in  Pittsburgh  a 
great  many  of  our  houses  are  constructed  of  more  substantial 
material  and  necessarily  more  costly,  but  more  durable  and 
should  cost  less  to  maintain.  The  increased  earning  capacity  of 
the  wage-worker  of  the  Pittsburgh  district  materially  overcomes 
any  such  difference  that  may  appear. 

A  very  important  factor  to  be  considered  in  this  comparison 
is  the  earning  power  of  our  people.     The  national  government 

238 


APPENDIX    IX 

report  of  wages  earned  in  Pittsburgh  is  $574  per  annum,  in  Buffalo 
$508,  Cleveland  $522,  and  Cincinnati  $466.  Therefore,  the  aver- 
age wages  earned  in  Pittsburgh  are  $52  higher  than  the  highest 
and  $108  higher  than  the  lowest  of  the  cities  referred  to,  which 
makes  a  liberal  offset  on  any  increase  that  may  appear  in  the  cost 
of  rents. 

The  cost  of  provisions  in  Pittsburgh,  as  compared  with  other 
cities,  is  so  trifling  that  it  is  hardly  worth  considering.  In  fact,  it 
is  apparent  to  your  committee,  from  the  information  obtained, 
that  a  prudent  and  careful  buyer  of  the  necessities  will  be  able  to 
purchase  what  is  desired  on  an  average,  at  Pittsburgh,  as  low  as  at 
any  of  the  cities  taken  in  comparison,  and  the  greater  earning 
capacity  of  our  wage-earners  makes  living  in  Pittsburgh  fully  as 
advantageous  as  in  any  of  the  cities  considered,  if  not  superior. 
This  investigation  has  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  your  committee 
that  the  average  buyer  of  food  stuffs  in  Pittsburgh,  especially 
meats,  demands  a  higher  standard  of  quality  than  in  many  other 
locations,  which  of  course  has  a  tendency  to  increase  the  cost  of 
living.  1 1  might  be  noted  that  many  of  the  plainer  but  substantial 
articles  of  food  are  offered  in  Pittsburgh  at  prices  equally  as  low 
as  in  any  of  the  places  referred  to,  articles  such  as  Ham,  Dried 
Salt  Pork,  Pickled  Pork,  Boiling  Beef,  Cabbage,  Onions,  Potatoes, 
Molasses,  Sugar,  Dairy  Butter,  Coffee,  and  some  other  items. 

Your  committee  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  matter  of  our 
public  markets,  in  which  the  sale  of  perishable  food  stuffs  is  con- 
ducted, should  have  early  attention,  and  better  facilities  should  be 
provided  to  offer  such  goods  to  buyers  than  now  exist,  both  as  to 
improvement  of  the  market  buildings  we  now  have,  and  the  estab- 
lishing of  others  in  suitable  locations,  so  that  buyers  would  have  an 
opportunity  of  comparison  as  to  quality  and  prices  offered.  There 
is  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  many  dealers  in  these  commodities 
to  vary  the  price  on  a  certain  commodity  in  order  to  encourage  a 
hesitating  buyer,  which  leads  your  committee  to  believe  that  the 
less  aggressive  buyer  pays  the  excessive  prices.  City  ordinances 
should  provide  that  where  food  stuffs  are  offered  for  sale,  especially 
in  market  buildings  provided  by  the  city,  plain  figure  prices  should 
be  displayed  thereon,  and  if  a  lower  price  is  accepted  on  any  article, 
that  would  become  the  selling  price  and  be  so  displayed. 

239 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Your  committee  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  frequently  made 
allegations  that  articles  of  food  stuffs  are  much  higher  in  Pitts- 
burgh than  many  other  cities  are  not  well-founded.  When  taken 
as  a  whole,  it  is  doubtless  true  that  certain  articles  at  particular 
times  may  be  purchased  in  other  cities  at  lower  figures  than  we 
are  accustomed  to  buying  them  in  Pittsburgh,  but  as  has  been 
indicated  in  this  report,  if  buyers  will  be  more  careful  to  inves- 
tigate the  quality  and  to  demand  fair  prices,  we  feel  that  our 
merchants  handling  these  goods  are  in  position  to  furnish  like 
goods  at  as  low  prices  as  in  similarly  located  communities  in 
this  country. 

Referring  to  the  matter  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  we  labor 
under  some  slight  disadvantages  in  the  Pittsburgh  District. 
Adjacent  to  the  cities  we  are  using  for  comparison  and  many  other 
of  the  great  cities  of  our  country,  are  territories  that  produce  fruit 
and  vegetables  in  large  quantities  on  account  of  being  specially 
adapted  to  the  growing  of  such  articles.  From  the  fact  that  the 
hills  and  valleys  surrounding  Pittsburgh  have  been  so  bountifully 
supplied  with  valuable  minerals,  oil  and  gas,  the  production  of 
these  commodities  is  more  profitable  to  the  owners  and  has  driven 
out  agricultural  pursuits.  This,  to  some  extent,  puts  us  far  away 
from  the  growing  territory,  but  with  all  this,  the  up-to-date  facili- 
ties for  transporting  these  commodities  materially  offset  the  advan- 
tages of  the  close-to-city  grown  products.  There  is  a  lack  of 
interest  on  the  part  of  many  of  our  wage-earners,  as  compared  with 
those  of  other  localities  and  countries,  in  utilizing  small  garden 
plots  for  the  raising  of  vegetables  on  their  own  account.  This  may 
appear  to  be  a  small  matter  and  not  worthy  of  consideration,  but 
investigation  will  show,  not  only  in  this  country,  but  in  many 
foreign  countries,  that  great  results  have  been  obtained  for  the 
workers  of  a  small  garden  plot,  the  labor  being  furnished  at  prac- 
tically no  cost,  being  done  in  leisure  hours  and  producing  profitable 
returns  for  the  labor.  The  work  should  be  encouraged  by  our 
employers  and  land  owners  and  such  gardens  should  receive  ample 
police  protection.  Encouragement  should  be  given  to  the  work- 
ingman  to  have  his  own  garden  plot  on  which  he  would  doubtless 
be  able  to  raise  all  the  vegetables  required  for  his  family  during  the 
growing  seasons  of  this  section.     This  would  not  only  be  a  saving, 

240 


APPENDIX     IX 


SCHEDULE    SHOWING    QUANTITY   OF    FOOD    ESTIMATED    FOR    SUB- 
SISTENCE   OF    FAMILY   OF     FIVE    PERSONS    FOR   ONE    WEEK 

Average  price  per  unit  obtained  from  six  different  inquiries  during  July,  1909, 
in  each  of  the  cities  compared. 


Pittsburgh 

Buffalo 

Cleveland 

Cincinnati 

Ay. 

Ay. 

//i>. 

Av. 

Article 

Quan- 

price 

Total 

price 

Tote/ 

price 

Total 

price 

To/a/ 

tity 

per 
unit 

cost 

per 
unit 

COST 

per 
unit 

cost 

per 

unit 

cost 

Cod  Fish 

1    lb. 

•3l 

>3f 

'4 

14 

16J 

16J 

12 

12 

Mackerel 

1    lb. 

'4 

>4 

12 

12 

10 

.0 

12^ 

•2i 

Poultry 

.         3    lb. 

22 

66 

20 

60 

20$ 

61 

20 

60 

Bacon  . 

.         3    lb. 

19 

57 

18 

54 

i8j 

55* 

i8f 

55  s 

Tenderloin  . 

6    lb. 

25 

1.50 

>9t 

n8i 

23* 

'43 

'7* 

•05! 

Boiling  Beef 

4    lb. 

10 

& 

9* 

39i 

>o5L 

4of 

9l 

37! 

Mutton 

4    lb. 

i7l 

14 

56 

'7 

68 

'3* 

54f 

Pork,  pickled 

4    lb. 

ijl 

6ii 

:a* 

58f 

.6 

64 

«5t 

62f 

Ham    . 

7    lb. 

16 

1 12 

1 12 

16 

1 .2 

i6| 

1 15 

Bread  . 

12    lb. 

5 

60 

5 

60 

5 

60 

3* 

45! 

Flour   . 

6    lb. 

4 

24 

3& 

20 

3ft 

23 

T  23 

3  zi> 

24 

Lard    . 

1    lb. 

<5tTJ 

'5t(J 

15 

15 

.61 

«6J 

13 

13 

Molasses,  1  Qt. 

ii  lb. 

10 

10 

10 

10 

.0 

10 

10 

10 

Oat  Meal     . 

1    lb. 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

4? 

4? 

Butter,  Creamer 

y       2   lb. 

V\ 

65 

30f 

6U 

32f 

64I 

3'i 

63f 

Butter,  Oleo. 

2   lb. 

19 

38 

21 

42 

19 

38 

i8| 

37 

Eggs    . 

1    lb. 

27 

27 

28 

28 

3° 

30 

26 

26 

Cheese,  Cream 

i    lb. 

"9* 

9to 

I9f 

9f 

20J 

■  of  |  .84 

9! 

Beans,  Qt.  . 

2   lb. 

10 

10 

10 

10 

"i 

1  ii 

9§ 

9f 

Prunes 

1    lb. 

12 

12 

09 

09 

10 

10 

09 

09 

Rice     . 

1    lb. 

09 

09 

08 

08 

08J 

8i 

7 

7 

Potatoes 

30   lb. 

'* 

5° 

't! 

58 

=*A 

64 

if 

42 

Cabbage 

3    lb. 

5 

■5 

5* 

>7f 

°5 

15 

°5 

15 

Onions,  £  Pk. 

4    lb. 

12 

12 

1  of 

IO* 

10 

10 

1  if 

I  ii 

Lettuce,  6  hds. 

1^  lb. 

03 

18 

02| 

15* 

°5 

30 

°3 

18 

Carrots,  2  bun. 

1*  lb. 

°3 

06 

02f 

5i 

02 

04 

.  - 

3i 

Tomatoes,  2  Qt. 

6   lb. 

>5 

30 

IO 

20 

.0 

20 

10 

20 

Radishes,  2  bun 

1    lb. 

03 

06 

02 

04 

02| 

4l 

02 

04 

Beets,  2  bun. 

2   lb. 

°3 

06 

02f 

5* 

02 

2 

01 

02 

Cucumbers,  two 

1    lb. 

05 

10 

04 

08 

°3 

02 

04 

Coffee  . 

3    lb. 

.8f 

555 

>7i 

5»i 

20 

60 

1 61 

49i 

Sugar  . 

5    lb. 

5i 

29f 

5i 

27* 

05I 

28 

3* 

27^ 

Milk,  7  Qts. 

«7*  lb- 

°? 

49 

07 

49 

o6f 

461 

56 

Tea 

i  lb. 

56| 

28* 

45 

22* 

58 

29  i 

51 

25* 

Vinegar,  J  Gal.  . 

1    lb. 

25 

31 

21 

2f 

25 

3i 

21* 

2* 

11.88 

IO.9O 

11.81 

IO.33 

lb 


241 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

but  would  furnish  fresher  and  better  qualities  than  are  ordinarily 
obtained  under  the  present  system  by  which  he  is  supplied. 

Committee  on  Trade  and  Commerce 

(Signed)  ALBERT  J.   LOGAN,  Chairman, 

E.  A.   KITZMILLER,  Vice-Chairman, 

ROBT.  GARLAND, 

WM.  CAMPBELL, 

MARCUS  RAUH, 

W.  A.  ROBERTS, 

W.  L.  HIRSCH. 


242 


APPENDIX  X 

RATINGS   ON   MEN    EMPLOYED    IN    IRON  AND   STEEL 
INDUSTRY,  BY  PRUDENTIAL  INSURANCE  COM- 
PANY OF  AMERICA 

[Excerpts  from  Current  Rate  Book] 

28.  Ratings  on  Account  of  Occupation  have  been  divided  into  three  general 
classes,  and  a  separate  set  of  premium  rates  is  provided  for  each  class. 

The  special  rating  provides  for  that  class  whose  occupation  makes  it  neces- 
sary to  charge  a  slightly  higher  rate  than  the  regular  ordinary  rate. 

The  intermediate  rating  is  the  regular  Intermediate  rate  on  pages  95  to  97, 
and  covers  that  class  where  the  occupation  is  attended  by  some  hazard. 

The  hazardous  rating  is  higher  than  the  Intermediate  rate,  and  covers  all 
the  extra  hazardous  risks.  Age  55  nearest  birthday  is  the  highest  age  for  which 
these  rates  are  quoted. 

The  special  and  hazardous  tables  are  found  on  pages  148  and  149. 

Applications  for  $500  where  the  occupation  is  rated  will  be  issued  onl>  at 
Intermediate  rates.  Applicants  belonging  in  the  hazardous  class  must  apply  for 
$  1 ,000  or  more. 

Where  the  rating  is  "  Intermediate  only,"  I500  policies,  or  multiples  thereof 
up  to  $1,500,  will  only  be  issued. 

The  regular  rate  charged  to  all  applicants  at  any  given  age  is  the  basis,  to 
which  an  addition  is  made  of  an  average  of  13.20  per  $  1 ,000  of  insurance  for  Special 
rating,  $6.39  for  Intermediate,  and  $13.23  for  Hazardous  rating,  in  the  case  of  whole 
life  policies.  By  reference  to  the  following  illustration  you  will  be  able  to  determine 
what  the  charge  would  be  for  any  group  at  the  ages  stated: 


Whole  Life  P 

olicy — $1,000 

Insurance 

Age 

Regular 
Rate 

Special 
Rate 

Intermediate 
Rate 

Hazardous 
Rate 

20 
30 
40 
50 

$14.96 

19.08 

26.09 

.       38.83 

$16.24 
2!. 34 
29.90 
44-79 

$17-52 
23.60 

3370 
5°-74 

$25.36 
31.63 
40.10 
54.50 

Iron  and  Steel  Industry. 

Superintendents  and  Foremen  in  all  departments  not  exposed  to  extreme 
heat — No  rating. 

Blast  Furnace  Employes — Hazardous. 
Puddlers  and  Cupola  Tenders — Ha{ardous. 
Heaters  and  Melters — Intermediate. 

Rollers  and  Roll  Tenders  not  exposed  to  considerable  heat — Special. 
Bessemer  Converting  Department,  except  Blowers — Hazardous. 
Blowers,  Bessemer  Department — Special. 
Open  Hearth  Furnaces — Hazardous. 
Charging  Machine  Operators — Intermediate. 
Crucible  Steel  Manufacture — Hazardous. 
243 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Tube  Mill  Employes — Intermediate. 

Crane  and  Hoist  Men,  outdoor — Special. 

Crane  and  Hoist  Men,  indoor — Intermediate. 

Gas  Producers — Intermediate. 

Ladle  Men — Intermediate. 

Lever  Men,  not  exposed  to  heat — Special. 

Lever  Men,  exposed  to  considerable  heat — Intermediate. 

Shear  Men,  not  exposed  to  heat — Special. 

Shear  Men,  exposed  to  considerable  heat — Intermediate. 

Molders,  pit  and  floor — Intermediate. 

Molders,  bench — No  rating. 

All  other  employees  exposed  to  considerable  heat — Hazardous. 

All  other  employees  exposed  to  moderate  heat — Intermediate. 

All  other  employees  not  exposed  to  heat — Special. 


244 


APPENDIX  XI 
CARNEGIE  RELIEF  FUND 

Extract  from  Letter  of  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  Relative  to  Relief  Fund. 

New  York,  N.  Y.,  March  12,  1901. 
To  the  President  and  Board  of  Directors, 

The  Carnegie  Company, 

Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Gentlemen: — Mr.  Robert  A.  Franks,  my  cashier,  will  hand  over  to  you, 
upon  your  acceptance  of  the  trust,  Four  Million  Dollars  ($4,000,000)  of  The  Car- 
negie Company  bonds,  in  trust  for  the  following  purposes: 

The  income  of  the  Four  Million  Dollars  ($4,000,000)  is  to  be  applied: 

1  st.  To  provide  for  employees  of  The  Carnegie  Company,  in  all  its  works, 
mines,  railways,  shops,  etc.,  injured  in  its  service,  and  for  those  dependent  upon  such 
employees  as  are  killed. 

2nd.  To  provide  small  pensions  or  aids  to  such  employees  as  after  long  and 
creditable  service,  through  exceptional  circumstances,  need  such  help  in  their  old 
age,  and  who  make  a  good  use  of  it. 

3rd.  This  fund  is  not  intended  to  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  what  the  Com- 
pany has  been  in  the  habit  of  doing  in  such  cases — far  from  it — it  is  intended  to  go 
still  further  and  give  to  the  injured  or  their  families,  or  to  employees  who  are  needy 
in  old  age,  through  no  fault  of  their  own,  some  provision  against  want  as  long  as 
needed,  or  until  young  children  can  become  self-supporting. 

4th.  A  report  is  to  be  made  at  the  end  of  each  year,  giving  an  account  of  the 
fund  and  its  distribution,  and  published  in  two  papers  in  Pittsburgh,  and  copies 
posted  freely  at  the  several  works,  that  every  employee  may  know  what  is  being 
done.     Publicity  in  this  matter  will,  I  am  sure,  have  a  beneficial  effect. 

5th.  I  make  this  first  use  of  surplus  wealth  upon  retiring  from  business  as 
an  acknowledgement  of  the  deep  debt  which  1  owe  to  the  workmen  who  have  con- 
tributed so  greatly  to  my  success. 

(Signed)     ANDREW  CARNEGIE. 

Note. — On  April  1st,  1903,  The  Carnegie  Company  was  succeeded  by  Car- 
negie Steel  Company. 

ACCEPTANCE  OF  TRUST 

Extract  from  minutes  of  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  The  Carnegie 
Company  held  at  the  offices  of  this  Company,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  on  March  20th,  1901. 

"Whereas,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  has  generously  offered  to  this  Company 
Four  Million  Dollars  ($4,000,000)  in  bonds  of  The  Carnegie  Company,  to  be  held  in 
trust  and  the  income  therefrom  applied  to  the  purposes  set  forth  in  his  letter  of 
March  12th,  1901,  provided  this  Company  accept  the  trust;  therefore. 

245 


homestead:  the  households  of  a  mill  town 

"Resolved,  That  the  Board  of  Directors  of  The  Carnegie  Company  hereby 
accepts  the  trust,  so  tendered  by  Mr.  Carnegie,  and  agrees  to  hold  said  bonds  in 
trust,  and  to  apply  the  income  therefrom  to  the  purposes  and  in  accordance  with  the 
terms  and  conditions  set  forth  in  his  letter  of  March  12th,  1901 : 

•'Resolved,  Further,  That  the  Secretary  is  directed  to  communicate  this  ac- 
tion of  the  Board  to  Mr.  Carnegie,  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  these  resolutions, 
expressing  our  deep  appreciation  for  his  munificent  gift  for  the  welfare  of  the  em- 
ployees of  this  Company,  and  reciprocating  the  kindly  expressions  of  his  personal 
interest  in  those  with  whom  he  has  been  so  long  associated,  though  no  words  can 
adequately  express  our  feelings  of  love,  loyalty,  admiration,  and  inspiration,  which 
have  been  so  much  a  part  of  our  service  for  him." 

GENERAL  NOTICE 

Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  having  munificently  tendered  to  the  Board  of  Direc- 
tors of  The  Carnegie  Company,  Four  Million  Dollars  (§4,000,000),  the  income  there- 
from to  be  applied,  as  set  forth  in  his  letter  of  March  12th,  1901,  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Relief  Fund,  and  the  trust  having  been  accepted  by  the  said  Board  of 
Directors,  as  recited  in  the  foregoing  paragraphs,  the  "Andrew  Carnegie  Relief 
Fund"  was  created  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  intent  of  Mr.  Carnegie's 
benefaction,  and  became  effective  January  1st,  1902. 

On  January  1st,  1905,  the  name  of  the  Fund  was  changed  to  Carnegie  Relief 
Fund. 

Employees  of  Carnegie  Steel  Company  and  its  constituent  Companies,  as 
given  below,  will  participate  in  this  Fund  in  accordance  with  the  prescribed  Regula- 
tions: 

Carnegie  Steel  Company. 

Carnegie  Natural  Gas  Company. 

Pittsburgh  Limestone  Company,  Limited. 

H.  C.  Frick  Coke  Company. 

Oliver  Iron  Mining  Company. 

Bessemer  &  Lake  Erie  Railroad  Company. 

Union  Railroad  Company. 

Pittsburgh  Steamship  Company. 

Pittsburgh  &  Conneaut  Dock  Company. 

Union  Supply  Company. 

Mingo  Coal  Company. 

National  Mining  Company. 

NOTICE 

On  May  14th,  1906,  (after  the  printing  of  this  edition  of  the  Regulations),  a 
body  known  as  the  "  Board  of  Trustees  of  Carnegie  Relief  and  Library  Fund,"  ap- 
pointed by  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  No.  2,  of  Allegheny  County,  Pennsylvania, 
succeeded  the  Board  of  Directors  of  Carnegie  Steel  Company  as  trustees  of  the 
Carnegie  Relief  Fund.  The  Board  of  Trustees  of  Carnegie  Relief  and  Library 
Fund  adopted,  by  resolution,  the  Regulations  governing  the  Carnegie  Relief  Fund 
as  they  had  been  adopted  by  the  Board  of  Directors  of  Carnegie  Steel  Company 
and  as  they  appear  in  the  following  pages,  and  appointed  the  same  persons  to  be 
members  of  the  Advisory  Board  as  named  on  the  opposite  page. 

Wherever  in  these  Regulations,  therefore,  the  terms  "  President  of  Carnegie 
Steel  Company"  and  "Board  of  Directors  of  Carnegie  Steel  Company"  appear, 
they  will  be  understood  to  mean  "  President  of  Board  of  Trustees  of  Carnegie  Relief 
and  Library  Fund"  and  "  Board  of  Trustees  of  Carnegie  Relief  and  Library  Fund," 
respectively. 

246 


APPENDIX    XI 


DATA  AS  TO  BENEFICIARIES   OF   CARNEGIE  RELIEF  FUND  AMONG 
EMPLOYEES  OF   HOMESTEAD  WORKS 

(a)  Total   payments  on  account  of  the  deaths    of  em- 

ployee's of  Homestead  Works  from  January  i,  1902, 

to  December  31,  1900,  inclusive   ....  $74,230.00 

Total  death  benefit  payments  to  beneficiaries  residing 

in  Europe,  and  in  the  United  States  in  places  other 

than  Homestead 24,700.00 

Total  death  benefit  payments  to  beneficiaries  residing 

in  Homestead $49,530.00 

(b)  Total  death  benefit  payments  in  1907  paid  to  account 

of  Homestead  Works $11,398.00 

Total  death  benefit  payments  in  1907  to  beneficiaries 

residing  outside  of  Homestead      ....  5,000.00 

Total  death  benefit  payments  to  beneficiaries  residing 

in  Homestead $6,398.00 

(c)  New  cases  of  accidental  injuries  at  Homestead  Works 

reported  in  1907 3 

(d)  Accident  benefits  paid  to  account  of  3  cases  reported 

in  1907 $623.00 

(e)  Number  of  families  in  Homestead  to  whom  Accident 

Benefits  were  paid  in  1907 6  amount  $2,218.95 

Number  of  families  outside  Homestead  to  whom  Acci- 
dent Benefits  were  paid  in  1907    .        .        .        .        1  365.00 

$2,583.95 

Number  of  families  in  Homestead  to  whom  Death 

Benefits  were  paid  in  1907 30  $6,398.00 

Number  of  families   outside   Homestead   to  whom 

Death  Benefits  were  paid  in  1907        ...       8  5,000.00 

$1 1,398.00 

Number  of  families  in  Homestead  to  whom  Pension 

Allowances  were  paid  in  1907       .        .        .        .21  $2,286.10 

Number  of  families  outside  Homestead  to  whom  Pen- 
sion Allowances  were  paid  in  1907       ...      15  2,470.10 


Total  Accident  Benefits  paid  to  account  of 

Homestead  Works  ....       $79-759-91 

Total  Death    Benefits   paid  to  account  of 

Homestead  Works  ....         74,230.00 

Total  Pension  Allowances  paid  to  account 

of  Homestead  Works      .       .        .         30,540.75 

$184,530.66 
247 


$4,756.20 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


PENSIONERS, 

CARNEGIE  RELIEF  FUND,  HOMESTEAD,  1907 

Case 

Num- 
ber 

J^orib 

Last 
Occupation 

Age 
Retir 

men 

z2         Length 
t-             0/ 
2          Service 

Average 

Earnings 

$40.50 

Monthly 
Allow- 
ance 

i 

Homestead  Works 

Janitor 
Laborer 

75  ye 

irs      23  years 

I9.30 

2 

64      ' 

•5      " 

37-75 

5.65 

3 

" 

72      ' 

19     ' 

37-3° 

7.10 

4 

60      ' 

20 

82 

10.90 

5 

Sta.  Engr. 

60      ' 

23 

15.25 

6 

Laborer 

64      ' 

18     " 

46.28 

8.35 

7 

" 

61      ' 

18     " 

40.80 

7-35 

8 

" 

69      ' 

21 

38.35 

8.05 

9 

" 

69      ' 

20     ' 

38.07 

7.60 

IO 

" 

63      ' 

24     " 

62.69 

15.05 

ii 

Clerk 

70      ' 

18     " 

73.60 

13.25 

12 

1st  Pitman 

5'      ' 

21      " 

70.22 

'4-75 

13 

Heater 

61      ' 

•7 

71.86 

12.20 

'4 

Blacksmith 

52     ' 

21 

8.72 

17.15 

15 

Toolman 

63 

17 

71.00 

12.00 

l6 

Laborer 

57      ' 

21 

34.58 

7-25 

'7 

66     ' 

26      " 

60.50 

'5-75 

.8 

" 

66 

22      " 

40.00 

8.80 

19 

" 

70 

21 

41.08 

8.65 

20 

63 

27      ' 

36.42 

9.85 

21 

Duquesne  Works 

Blacksmith 

61 

25 

72.07 

18.00 

248 


APPENDIX   XII 

ACCIDENT    RELIEF    PLAN    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES 

STEEL  CORPORATION* 

MAY  1,  1910 

THE  United  States  Steel  Corporation  has  announced  a  plan 
for  relief  of  men  injured  and  the  families  of  men  killed  in 
work  accidents.  The  plan  is  a  distinct  advance  over  any 
existing  system  of  relief  carried  out  under  any  of  the  constituent 
companies;  it  puts  all  the  employes  of  the  biggest  payroll  in 
America — 225,000  men — on  the  same  footing,  and  it  establishes 
a  system  which  can  be  adjusted  to  the  new  legislation  that  will 
probably  be  enacted  in  the  next  ten  years  in  the  different  states 
in  which  the  corporation  operates. 

In  more  ways  than  one,  then,  the  new  plan,  which  will  go 
into  effect  May  1  for  an  experimental  year,  is  a  step  in  advance. 
The  exact  provisions  are  published  below.  While  some  of  them 
do  not  measure  up  to  the  proposals  made  by  the  various  state 
commissions  which  have  been  considering  the  subject,  many  of 
them  are  a  radical  departure  from  contemporary  practice,  and  as 
a  voluntary  act  show  both  foresight  and  liberality.  The  plan 
disregards  the  idea  of  negligence  entirely  and  may  be  said  to  recog- 
nize that  a  share  of  the  income  loss  due  to  work-accidents  should 
be  a  charge  on  the  industry;  it  covers  hazardous  and  non-danger- 
ous employments  alike;  it  puts  the  entire  cost  of  the  plan  on 
the  business  without  any  contribution  whatsoever  from  the  men. 
No  relief  will  be  paid  if  suit  is  brought.  It  naturally  requires  a 
release  from  legal  liability  upon  payment  of  the  relief,  but  it  avoids 
the  involved  and  questionable  relationships  created  by  such  relief 
associations  as,  for  instance,  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Relief 
Department,  to  which,  like  a  mutual  insurance  association,  the 

*  Reprinted  from  The  Survey,  April  23,  1910. 
249 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

employes  pay  dues,  and  from  which  they  can  receive  no  benefits 
from  their  dues  until  they  sign  a  paper  releasing  the  company  from 
any  legal  liability. 

The  Steel  Corporation  makes  a  point  in  its  announcement 
that  the  payments  it  proposes  are  "for  relief  and  not  as  compensa- 
tion." "There  can  be  no  real  compensation  for  permanent  in- 
juries, and  the  notion  of  compensation  is  necessarily  based  on 
legal  liability,  which  is  entirely  disregarded  in  this  plan  as  all  men 
are  to  receive  the  relief,  even  though  there  be  no  legal  liability  to 
pay  them  anything.  .  .  ."  In  line  with  this  position,  there 
are  no  death  benefits  for  single  men  and  extremely  low  disability 
benefits  for  them.  Large  numbers  of  immigrant  laborers  fall  in 
this  class.  Moreover,  in  death  cases  the  wording  of  paragraph  24 
specifies  that  relief  will  be  granted  "married  men  living  with  their 
families."  This  would  exclude  the  non-resident  families  of  aliens 
unless  the  manager  of  the  relief  sees  fit  to  exercise  his  discretionary 
power  in  their  favor.  But  it  is  understood  that  wide  latitude  has 
been  left  the  company  managers  in  cases  where  single  men  have 
old  people  or  others  demonstrably  dependent  upon  them.  The 
death  benefit  for  a  married  man  is  eighteen  months'  wages,  and 
this  is  increased  ten  per  cent  for  every  child  under  sixteen;  an 
adjustment  of  relief  to  need  which  is  noteworthy.  The  plan  in- 
cludes medical  and  hospital  treatment.  It  is  a  statement  of  a 
consistent  policy  which  will  give  the  man  who  goes  to  his  work  in 
the  morning  a  fair  knowledge  as  to  what  will  happen  in  case  he 
is  killed.  Much  of  the  ill  name  of  claim  departments  in  all  in- 
dustries in  years  past  has  been  due  to  the  incentive  to  claim  agents 
to  "make  a  good  showing"  by  keeping  down  awards.  Here 
definite  standards  are  set. 

The  most  serious  question  raised  by  a  first  reading  of  the 
prospectus  of  the  plan  is  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  the  benefits  pro- 
vided. In  comparison  with  the  three  years'  wages,  which  is  the 
death  benefit  under  the  English  system,  and  the  four  years'  wages 
proposed  by  the  New  York  State  Commission,  the  Steel  Corpora- 
tion announces  eighteen  months'  wages  for  a  married  man  in 
case  of  death.  By  a  sliding  scale  this  is  increased  with  an  in- 
creased number  of  children  and  with  length  of  service  in  the  com- 
pany.    Yet  the  family  of  an  employe  of  ten  years'  standing  with 

250 


APPENDIX    XII 

five  children  would  still  get  but  two  and  one-half  years'  wages. 
If  such  a  man  were  temporarily  disabled,  however,  he  would  get 
eighty-five  per  cent  of  his  weekly  wages  as  against  the  flat  rate  of 
fifty  per  cent  for  all  disabled  men  under  the  New  York  bill.  The 
highest  injury  benefit  specified  in  the  Steel  Corporation's  announce- 
ment is  for  the  loss  of  an  arm — eighteen  months'  wages.  The 
highest  benefit  for  permanent  disability  under  the  proposed  New 
York  state  law  is  half  wages  for  eight  years;  that  under  the  Eng- 
lish law  is  half  wages  for  life.  But  here  again  the  discretion  of  the 
company  managers  enters  in,  and  in  the  case  of  loss  of  both  limbs 
or  other  more  complete  permanent  disability,  larger  amounts 
would  doubtless  be  paid.  At  several  important  points,  therefore, 
the  plan  is  flexible  and  results  will  be  dependent  upon  the  spirit 
in  which  the  company  managers  carry  out  its  provisions.  It 
would  be  impossible  to  forecast  these  practical  workings  of  the 
plan  until  after  it  has  had  at  least  the  year's  trial  and  until  detailed 
statements  are  available  as  to  the  nature  of  injuries  and  actual 
benefits  paid.  The  minimum  provisions  for  death  in  the  case  of 
married  men  are  in  themselves  higher  than  were  the  average  bene- 
fits paid  by  any  large  employer  in  the  steel  district  the  year  of  the 
Pittsburgh  Survey. 

Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  Steel  Corporation  will  know  either  the 
cost  of  the  new  policy  or  its  acceptability  to  its  employes  earlier 
than  after  such  a  probationary  year.  The  Corporation  has  been 
able  in  the  past  to  settle  most  cases  out  of  court,  yet  the  new  plan 
may  effect  economies  in  gathering  legal  evidence,  etc.  Such  a 
large  plan  of  relief  would  scarcely  have  been  attempted  were  it 
not  for  the  energetic  measures  to  lessen  accidents  which  have  been 
carried  out  in  the  plants  of  the  constituent  companies  during  the 
last  two  years.  From  the  managers'  standpoint,  the  plan  has 
merit  in  its  probable  attraction  to  the  men — a  considerable  point 
in  keeping  intact  a  non-union  working  force.  From  the  public 
standpoint  it  is  widely  significant  that  the  operating  corporation, 
which  has  probably  the  largest  accident  experience  in  America 
upon  which  to  base  its  plan,  and  which  has  spent  a  million  dollars 
a  year  on  accident  payments  in  the  past,  should  adopt  a  plan  which 
it  describes  as  "similar  in  principle  to  the  German  and  other  foreign 
laws  and  to  recommendations  which  have  been  made  by  employers' 

251 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

liability  commissions  in  New  York  and  other  states  since  our  work 
upon  this  plan  was  begun  (December,  1908)." 

The  plan  was  put  into  operation  tentatively  by  the  National 
Tube  Company  last  December.  A  further  plan  for  the  payment  of 
pensions  to  disabled  and  superannuated  employes  is  under  con- 
sideration. 

Following  is  the  plan  in  full: 

ACCIDENT  RELIEF 

1.  This  plan  of  relief  is  a  purely  voluntary  provision  made  by  the  company 
for  the  benefit  of  employes  injured  and  the  families  of  employes  killed  in  the  service 
of  the  company  and  constitutes  no  contract  and  confers  no  right  of  action.  The 
entire  amount  of  money  required  to  carry  out  the  plan  will  be  provided  by  the  com- 
pany with  no  contribution  whatsoever  from  the  employes. 

2.  Where  the  word  "manager"  appears  in  this  plan  of  relief  it  means  that 
official  of  the  company  who  has  charge  of  this  relief  for  his  company. 

3.  The  decision  of  the  manager  of  this  relief  shall  be  final  with  respect  to  all 
questions  arising  under  this  plan  of  relief,  and  he  shall  have  full  discretionary  power 
in  paying  relief  to  meet  any  conditions  which  may  arise  and  may  not  be  covered  by 
this  statement. 

4.  The  privilege  of  this  relief  will  take  effect  as  soon  as  an  employe  enters  the 
service  of  the  company,  will  continue  so  long  as  the  plan  remains  in  operation  dur- 
ing such  service,  and  will  terminate  when  he  leaves  the  service. 

5.  Payment  of  this  relief  will  be  made  only  for  disablement  which  has  been 
caused  solely  by  accidents  to  employes  during  and  in  direct  and  proper  connection 
with  the  performance  of  duties  to  which  the  employes  are  assigned  in  the  service  of 
the  company,  or  which  they  are  directed  to  perform  by  proper  authority,  or  from 
accidents  which  occur  in  voluntarily  protecting  the  company's  property  or  interests. 
Relief  will  not  be  paid  unless  investigation  of  the  causes  and  circumstances  of  the 
injury  show  that  it  was  accidentally  inflicted  and  that  it  renders  the  employe  un- 
able to  perform  his  duties  in  the  service  of  the  company  or  in  any  other  occupation. 

6.  No  relief  will  be  paid  for  the  first  ten  days  of  disablement  nor  for  a  period 
longer  than  fifty-two  weeks. 

7.  No  employe  will  be  entitled  to  receive  relief  except  for  the  time  during 
which  the  surgeon  certifies  that  he  is  unable  to  follow  his  usual  or  any  other  occupa- 
tion. 

8.  Employes  will  not  be  entitled  to  receive  disablement  relief  for  any  time 
for  which  wages  are  paid  them. 

9.  The  company  will  provide  treatment  by  surgeons  and  hospitals  of  its 
selection. 

10.  The  company  will  furnish  artificial  limbs  and  trusses  in  cases  where  these 
are  needed. 

11.  All  men  injured  in  the  service  of  the  company  must  obey  the  surgeon's 
instructions  in  reporting  for  examination,  using  the  remedies  and  following  the 

252 


APPENDIX    XII 

treatment  prescribed,  and  going  to  the  hospital  if  directed.  No  relief  will  be  paid 
unless  these  instructions  are  obeyed.  All  employes  who  are  disabled  but  not  con- 
fined to  the  house  must  report  in  person  at  the  surgeon's  office,  from  time  to  time, 
as  reasonably  requested,  and  must  keep  any  other  appointments  made  by  the 
surgeon. 

12.  All  employes  who  wish,  while  disabled,  to  go  away  from  their  usual 
place  of  residence,  must  first  arrange  with  their  employing  officer  and  with  the 
surgeon  in  charge  as  to  the  absence  and  the  evidence  of  continued  disablement  to 
be  furnished.  Such  employes  must  report  as  often  and  in  such  manner  as  may  be 
required  of  them. 

13.  No  relief  will  be  paid  to  any  employe  or  his  family  if  suit  is  brought 
against  the  company.  In  no  case  whatsoever  will  the  company  deal  with  an  at- 
torney or  with  anyone  except  the  injured  man  or  some  member  of  his  family  in  the 
matter  of  relief  to  be  paid  under  this  plan,  because  it  is  part  of  the  plan  that  the 
whole  amount  paid  shall  be  received  by  the  employe  and  his  family. 

14.  No  relief  will  be  paid  for  injuries  caused  or  contributed  to  by  the  in- 
toxication of  the  employe  injured  or  his  use  of  stimulants  or  narcotics  or  his  taking 
part  in  any  illegal  or  immoral  acts. 

15.  All  employes  of  the  company  who  accept  and  receive  any  of  this  relief 
will  be  required  to  sign  a  release  to  the  company. 

TEMPORARY   DISABLEMENT 

16.  Under  the  terms  and  conditions  stated  here,  employes  shall  be  entitled 
to  the  following  temporary  disablement  relief  (but  no  relief  will  be  paid  for  the  first 
ten  days  nor  for  longer  than  fifty-two  weeks,  as  stated  in  paragraph  six) : 

Single  Men:  Single  men  who  have  been  five  years  or  less  in  the  service  of  the 
company  shall  receive  thirty-five  per  cent  of  the  daily  wages  they  were  receiving 
at  the  time  of  the  accident.  Single  men  of  more  than  five  years'  service  shall  re- 
ceive an  additional  two  per  cent  for  each  year  of  service  over  five  years.  But  in 
no  case  shall  single  men  receive  more  than  $1.50  per  day. 

Married  Men:  Married  men  living  with  their  families  who  have  been  in  the 
service  of  the  company  five  years  or  less  shall  receive  fifty  per  cent  of  the  daily  wages 
they  were  receiving  at  the  time  of  the  accident.  For  each  additional  year  of 
service  above  five  years  two  per  cent  shall  be  added  to  the  relief.  For  each  child 
under  sixteen  years  five  per  cent  shall  be  added  to  the  relief.  But  in  no  case  shall 
this  relief  exceed  two  dollars  per  day  for  married  men. 

PERMANENT  DISABLEMENT 

17.  The  amount  of  relief  which  will  be  paid  to  employes  who  have  sustained 
some  permanent  disablement,  such  as  the  loss  of  an  arm  or  leg,  will  depend  upon 
the  extent  to  which  such  disablement  renders  it  difficult  for  them  to  obtain  employ- 
ment. The  kinds  of  disablement  that  may  occur  and  the  extent  to  which  each 
interferes  with  employment  differ  so  greatly  that  it  is  impossible  to  provide  any 
adequate  schedule  of  relief  which  will  be  paid  in  all  cases  of  permanent  disablement. 
The  amounts  which  will  be  paid  in  cases  not  specifically  mentioned  here  must  of 

253 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

necessity  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  manager;  but  it  is  the  intention  of  the 
company  that  this  discretion  shall  be  so  exercised  in  all  cases  as  to  afford  substantial 
relief  corresponding  as  far  as  possible  with  the  amounts  stated  below,  considering 
the  special  circumstances  of  each  case  and  the  character  and  extent  of  the  injury. 

(a)  For  the  loss  of  a  hand,  twelve  months'  wages. 

(b)  For  the  loss  of  arm,  eighteen  months'  wages. 

(c)  For  the  loss  of  a  foot,  nine  months'  wages. 

(d)  For  the  loss  of  a  leg,  twelve  months'  wages. 

(e)  For  the  loss  of  one  eye,  six  months'  wages. 

DEATH 

1 8.  Relief  for  the  families  of  employes  killed  in  accidents  which  happen  in 
the  work  of  the  company  will  be  paid  only  where  the  death  of  the  employe  is  shown 
to  have  resulted  from  an  accident  (or  sunstroke  or  heat  exhaustion)  in  the  work  of 
the  company  during  and  in  direct  and  proper  connection  with  the  performance  of 
duties  to  which  the  employe  had  been  assigned  in  the  service  of  the  company  or 
which  he  had  been  directed  to  perform  by  proper  authority,  or  from  accidents  which 
occur  in  voluntarily  protecting  the  company's  property  or  interests. 

iq.  Death  relief  will  be  paid  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  required  proof  of 
cause  of  death  is  obtained  and  a  satisfactory  release  given. 

20.  The  company  will  pay  reasonable  funeral  expenses,  not  to  exceed  $100. 

21.  No  relief  will  be  paid  for  death  caused  or  contributed  to  by  the  intoxi- 
cation of  the  employe  killed  or  his  use  of  stimulants  or  narcotics  or  his  taking  part 
in  any  illegal  or  immoral  acts. 

22.  No  relief  will  be  paid  to  the  family  of  any  employe  if  suit  is  brought 
against  the  company. 

23.  In  no  case  will  this  relief  be  paid  until  the  receipt  by  the  company  of  a 
satisfactory  release  properly  executed. 

24.  Under  the  terms  and  conditions  stated  here,  the  widows  and  children  of 
the  employes  killed  in  accidents  which  happen  in  the  work  of  the  company  shall  be 
entitled  to  the  following  death  relief: 

In  the  case  of  married  men  living  with  their  families,  who  have  been  in  the 
service  of  the  company  five  (5)  years  or  less  and  leave  widows  or  children  under  six- 
teen (16)  years  of  age,  the  company  will  pay  relief  to  an  amount  equal  to  eighteen 
months'  wages  of  the  deceased  employe.  For  each  additional  year  of  service  above 
five  years,  three  per  cent  shall  be  added  to  this  relief.  For  each  child  under  sixteen 
(16)  years,  ten  per  cent  shall  be  added  to  this  relief. 

But  in  no  case  shall  this  death  relief  exceed  three  thousand  dollars  ($3,000.00). 

26.  This  plan  of  relief  will  be  in  operation  for  only  one  year  from  May  1, 
iqio.  If  the  plan  meets  with  success,  it  is  hoped  that  some  similar  plan  may  be 
put  in  operation  for  succeeding  years. 


254 


APPENDIX  XIII 
THE  CARNEGIE  LIBRARY,  HOMESTEAD 

By  W.  F.  STEVENS,  Librarian 

THE  Carnegie  Library  of  Homestead  was  founded  and  en- 
dowed by  Andrew  Carnegie  in  1898.  The  steel  mills  that 
contributed  most  toward  Mr.  Carnegie's  experience  and 
success  as  an  iron-master  were  located  at  Homestead,  Braddock 
and  Duquesne,  Pennsylvania.  To  show  his  good  will  toward  the 
people  who  had  worked  with  him  during  the  more  aggressive  period 
of  his  career  as  a  manufacturer,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  giving 
them  an  institution  that  would  contribute  toward  the  essential 
needs  of  all  the  people  all  the  time.  The  composite  nature  of  the 
mill  town  libraries  is  well  outlined  in  Mr.  Carnegie's  dedicatory 
address  as  quoted  in  the  following  form  in  the  Homestead 
Library  reports: 

THE   PURPOSE 

The  three  natures  in  the  make-up  of  every  human  being  that  must  be  de- 
veloped in  order  that  the  Divine  purpose  may  be  realized,  are  the  mental,  moral 
and  physical.  In  founding  this  institution  Mr.  Carnegie  discerned  these  necessities 
and  provided  a  building  and  funds  to  accomplish  this  end. 

THE    LIBRARY 

"The  library  filled  with  the  most  precious  legacy  the  past 
can  bequeath  to  the  present — a  collection  of  good  books." 

To  educate  the  people  of  this  community  by — 
Supplying  readable  literature  to  the  masses  of  the  people. 
Making  provision  for  the  student. 
Encouraging  societies  formed  for  self  culture. 
Supplementing  the  work  of  the  public  schools. 

255 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 


"How  a  man  spends  his  time  at  work  may  be  taken  for 
granted,  but  how  he  spends  his  hours  of  recreation  is  really  the 
key  of  his  progress  in  all  the  virtues." 

To  provide  a  place  where  one  may  occupy  his  time — 

In  systematic  physical  development. 

In  amateur  athletics. 

In  healthful  games  and  profitable  intercourse. 

EDUCATIONAL 

"Here  you  will  have  your  educational  classes.  In  music 
you  have  a  great  field." 

To  conduct  classes 

Where  students  may  be  directed  in  their  studies  by  competent  instructors. 

MUSIC  HALL 

"Here  you  will  have  your  entertainments  and  meetings  for 
educational  and  philanthropic  purposes." 

To  contribute  toward  the  ethical  and  moral  spirit  of  the  community  by 
providing  a  meeting  place  for — 

Free  musicales  and  entertainments. 
A  suitable  hall  for  public  gatherings. 

"The  best  return  to  the  giver  is  to  make  a  proper  and  steady 
use  of  all  which  is  sought  here  to  place  within  their  reach." 

Mr.  Carnegie's  first  library  gift  was  to  Braddock,  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  1889.  The  library  at  Duquesne  was  opened  in  1904. 
These  three  libraries  were  endowed  by  the  founder  with  one  million 
dollars,  which  produces  an  income  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  an- 
nually. The  preference  in  the  distribution  of  this  income  is  based 
upon  the  age  of  the  respective  institutions.  The  care  of  this  fund 
is  in  the  hands  of  a  board  of  trustees  composed  of  officials  of  the 
Carnegie  Steel  Company.  The  disposition  of  the  income  is  by  the 
separate  boards  of  directors  of  the  three  different  libraries.  These 
boards  are  selected  mostly  from  the  officials  and  employes  in  the 
mills.  The  board  of  directors  of  the  Homestead  library  is  com- 
posed of  Azor  R.  Hunt,  general  superintendent  of  the  Homestead 
Steel  Works,  Allan  A.  Corey,  assistant  general  superintendent, 

256 


APPENDIX    XIII 

Ralph  W.  Watson,  second  assistant  general  superintendent,  Isaac 
L.  Irwin,  chief  clerk  of  the  Homestead  Steel  Works,  John  Bell, 
metallurgist,  Thomas  R.  Davies,  superintendent  of  re-heating 
furnaces,  Rev.  John  J.  Bullion,  pastor  St.  Mary's  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  and  Rev.  Nathan  D.  Hynson,  pastor  First  Presbyterian 
Church. 

The  old  catechetical  idea  that  the  chief  end  of  man  was  to 
"glorify  God  and  to  enjoy  Him  forever"  is  not  at  variance  with 
the  idea  that  the  purpose  of  life  is  to  enjoy  all  that  is  good  and 
beautiful.  To  accomplish  this  great  end  we  are  given  intellects 
to  guide  us,  bodies  to  execute  the  will  of  the  mind,  and  a  moral 
nature  to  guard  both.  To  develop  these  three  functions  is  the 
purpose  of  educational  institutions,  religious  organizations,  the 
exercise  of  daily  life,  and  the  directed  physical  culture  of  athletic 
associations  and  physical  development.  The  founder  of  this  in- 
stitution did  not  aim  to  duplicate  the  work  of  the  organizations 
that  have  this  same  motive,  but  to  supplement  them. 

How  well  our  own  library  has  contributed  toward  the  general 
good  of  the  community  may  be  seen  from  these  figures  relating  to 
its  usefulness  for  1909: 

In  the  library  the  circulation  of  books  was  245,800.  This  is 
equivalent  to  circulating  the  total  of  37,000  volumes  in  the  library 
8.5  times,  or  10  books  for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  this  com- 
munity, or  2 1  volumes  for  every  reader.  Of  this  circulation  77, 500 
was  at  the  adult  desk;  51,600  at  the  juvenile  desk;  1 16,600  in  the 
schools,  90,000  of  which  is  supplementary  reading;  the  remaining 
26,600  at  stations  located  in  the  schools  throughout  the  township. 
The  total  attendance  was  133,700. 

The  athletic  department  reports  an  average  membership  of 
1,170  per  month  or  3,705  different  members  for  the  year.  This, 
in  all  probability,  places  the  Homestead  Carnegie  Library  Club  in 
the  lead  among  organizations  of  its  kind  in  western  Pennsylvania. 
The  total  attendance  was  97,750.  The  gymnasium  shows  an 
attendance  of  21,000  by  1,043  members  in  classes.  Basket  ball 
holds  its  own  with  30  teams  with  a  membership  of  270.  There  are 
at  least  ten  teams  not  belonging  to  the  club,  making  a  total  of  40 
teams  credited  to  this  community.  While  basket  ball  seems  very 
prominent,  it  is  conducted  as  a  secondary  exercise.  The  classes 
17  257 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

that  occupy  first  place  are  those  for  men,  women,  misses,  girls, 
boys,  with  special  classes  for  working  boys.  There  are  also  special 
classes  in  wrestling,  fencing  and  boxing,  and  many  hours  each  week 
are  given  to  individual  work.  Seventy-three  physical  examina- 
tions were  given.  The  man,  girl  and  boy  that  shows  the  best 
physical  progress  is  given  a  valuable  prize.  Prizes  were  given  in 
different  branches  of  athletics  amounting  in  value  to  over  $250. 
There  were  1,838  games  bowled  in  the  alleys.  Eight  teams  con- 
tested in  the  league  games. 

The  natatorium  includes  a  swimming  pool  with  a  capacity  of 
100,000  gallons,  20  bath  tubs  and  8  showers.  Swimming  classes 
are  conducted  for  boys,  girls  and  women.  Out  of  a  membership 
of  864  boys,  fully  700  have  been  taught  to  swim.  If  the  old  adage 
that  "cleanlinesss  is  next  to  godliness"  be  true,  then  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  natatorium  does  a  righteous  business.  The 
total  number  of  baths  was  69,570.  This  is  19  baths  for  each  mem- 
ber for  the  year  or  one  bath  every  three  weeks;  so  there  is  still 
room  for  improvement.  In  the  billiard  and  pool  room  60,000  games 
were  played  at  no  extra  expense  to  the  members. 

The  music  hall  was  used  more  than  ever  before  in  a  single 
year,  the  total  attendance  being  31,600.  The  several  musical 
organizations  give  free  concerts  from  time  to  time.  We  are  taught 
to  believe  that  Heaven  is  full  of  music;  then,  who  can  estimate  the 
good  coming  from  these  numerous  concerts  that  have  lifted  many 
for  the  time  being  above  the  cares  and  sorrows  of  this  mundane 
sphere. 

Besides  the  concerts  by  the  several  musical  organizations, 
the  library  organist  gives  free  recitals  that  are  well  attended. 
The  music  hall  is  used  also  for  the  high  school  commencements 
and  plays,  memorials,  minstrel  shows  by  local  organizations, 
dramas,  and  lecture  course.  A  course  of  lectures  was  given  after 
the  manner  of  the  university  extension  lectures  by  professors  from 
the  Carnegie  Technical  Schools.  There  were  thirteen  lectures 
with  an  attendance  of  900.  The  use  of  the  hall  is  granted  free  to 
all  religious,  patriotic,  literary  and  musical  events  at  which  no 
admission  is  charged.  Other  affairs  pay  a  nominal  rate  of  $15  to 
$25,  including  the  use  of  the  organ,  piano  and  the  services  of  the 
ushers. 

258 


Balcony  axd  Entrance,  Carxegie  Library,  Homestead 


APPENDIX    XIII 

The  value  of  the  library  in  meeting  the  needs  of  the  people  is 
no  better  shown  than  in  the  educational  department. 

Knowledge  is  of  two  kinds,  the  kind  you  know  and  the  kind 
you  know  where  to  find.  The  teacher's  duty  is  to  lead  the  scholar 
in  search  of  the  former,  and  the  librarian's  office  to  conduct  the 
reader  in  search  of  the  latter.  The  ultimate  aim  is  the  same; 
hence  the  work  of  the  teacher  and  librarian  go  hand  in  hand.  If  it 
is  proper  for  the  library  to  furnish  books  for  the  people,  it  is  right 
that  they  should  be  good  books.  If  the  library  has  the  right  to 
control  the  character  of  the  reading,  it  has  a  right  to  direct  the 
reader  to  the  desired  information  which  supplements  the  work  of 
the  teacher.  The  educational  department  is  but  the  outgrowth  of 
this  idea.  As  the  work  in  this  instance  must  necessarily  be 
limited,  it  is  confined  largely  to  studies  of  practical  use  to  the 
students  in  their  daily  work. 

In  what  are  designated  as  scientific  and  literary  classes,  dur- 
ing this  season  there  were  187  students.  The  attendance  was 
2,887.  There  were  in  all  55  students  enrolled  in  the  mechanical 
drawing  class.  The  attendance  was  1,136.  Eighteen  of  these 
pupils  attended  75  per  cent  of  the  possible  sessions.  In  the  com- 
mon branch  class,  where  grammar,  arithmetic,  spelling  and  history 
were  taught,  the  enrollment  was  54  and  the  attendance  790.  In 
the  higher  branch  class,  where  trigonometry,  geometry,  algebra, 
physics,  higher  arithmetic,  and  beginning  Latin  were  taught,  the 
enrollment  was  23  and  attendance  293.  The  metallurgy  class 
consisted  of  ten  lectures  by  steel  works  officials.  The  class  for 
foreigners  had  an  enrollment  of  24,  and  an  attendance  of  386. 
Twenty-one  students  were  enrolled  in  the  penmanship  class,  which 
had  an  attendance  of  230. 

The  interest  in  the  musical  department  is  equally  gratifying. 
The  band  has  a  membership  of  35  with  an  attendance  for  the  year 
of  1,500.  Free  concerts  were  given  in  the  Music  Hall  with  an 
attendance  of  2,100.  Many  more  concerts  were  given  in  the  band 
stand  in  the  park  in  front  of  the  library  to  audiences  of  equal  size. 
The  Junior  Orchestra  has  had  during  the  winter  an  enrollment  of 
31  and  an  attendance  of  673.  This  orchestra  has  given  free  con- 
certs with  an  attendance  of  1,750.  The  Symphony  Orchestra 
composed  of  25  members  did  excellent  advance  work  and  con- 

259 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

tributed  its  share  toward  entertaining  the  public.  The  Children's 
Chorus  with  a  membership  of  125  and  an  attendance  of  1,300  closes 
its  season  with  a  grand  concert.  The  Mandolin  and  Guitar  Club 
with  25  members  is  credited  with  its  share  of  success.  The  Male 
Chorus,  which  is  composed  of  30  members,  is  an  attraction  at  home 
and  has  won  honors  abroad  at  the  national  eisteddfods. 

The  total  enrollment  in  all  classes  was  388,  with  an  attendance 
of  6,437. 

The  total  attendance  in  the  four  departments  of  the  library 
was  274,300,  an  average  gain  of  17.5  per  cent. 


USE  OF  THE  LIBRARY  BY  FOREIGNERS 

Homestead  has  a  population  of  25,000,  forty  per  cent  of 
which  may  be  classified  as  foreign.  The  foreigners  are  attracted 
to  this  community  by  the  Homestead  steel  works,  which  employ 
10,000  men,  one-half  of  whom  are  foreign  born.  The  Carnegie 
Library  aims  to  benefit  this  population,  intellectually,  physically, 
and  morally.  For  this  purpose  the  privileges  of  library,  night 
school,  athletic  club,  and  music  hall  are  granted  to  all  classes  of 
people  alike;  hence,  it  may  be  said  that  no  special  work  is  con- 
ducted in  the  interest  of  the  foreigners.  This  class  of  citizens  is, 
however,  reached  in  more  ways  than  one. 

In  the  library  a  collection  of  Lithuanian  books  is  provided 
for  the  Lithuanians,  the  male  portion  of  whom  compose  a  large 
part  of  the  laboring  class  in  the  mills.  This  collection  was  loaned 
to  a  society  of  the  Lithuanian  church  and  was  conducted  as  a 
station  for  some  time  and  with  some  degree  of  success. 

A  collection  of  books  by  Catholic  authors  is  very  well  used. 
It  is,  however,  difficult  to  determine  what  percentage  of  the  read- 
ers might  be  classed  as  foreigners.  A  catalogue  of  this  collection  was 
distributed  in  the  parochial  schools.  Other  collections  in  French, 
German,  and  Italian  are  used  freely.  The  assistant  librarian 
speaks  these  languages  and  is  instrumental  in  creating  and  main- 
taining interest  in  the  books.  A  station  is  conducted  by  a  mission 
in  the  "foreign"  ward.  This  collection  is  composed  largely  of 
well-worn  books  that  are  not  expected  to  be  returned. 

It  can  hardly  be  expected  that  the  library  will  have  a  marked 
260 


APPENDIX    XIII 

influence  on  the  "grown  ups"  among  the  foreigners,  but  the  in- 
fluence over  the  children  is  most  gratifying.  In  certain  cases 
where  the  families  were  visited  it  was  ascertained  that  the  fathers 
and  mothers  listened  eagerly  to  their  children  as  they  read  aloud 
from  the  library  books.  This  fact  is  interesting  and  becomes  a 
hopeful  sign  when  it  is  known  that  these  children  read  mostly 
fairy  tales,  religious  books,  such  as  the  life  of  Christ  in  one  syllable, 
and  United  States  history.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  reading  of 
fiction  by  foreign  children  is  less  than  the  average. 

In  the  night  school  classes  are  conducted  for  the  foreigners 
where  they  may  learn  English  and  the  common  branches.  The 
talent  in  this  class  is  so  varied  that  most  of  the  instruction  has  to 
be  individual.  One  of  the  students  is  forty  years  of  age  and  when 
he  began  did  not  know  his  a  b  c's.  In  three  months  he  could 
read  as  well  as  a  second  grade  pupil  in  the  public  schools.  By  the 
side  of  the  forty-year-old  pupil  sat  an  orphan  boy  ten  years  old 
who  was  adopted  by  a  poor  widow.  The  boy  delivered  milk 
during  the  day  and  attended  night  school  two  nights  each  week. 
Some  of  the  students  come  year  after  year;  others  drop  out  in  a 
few  weeks.  This  is  the  experience  with  one-half  of  the  night 
school  students.  Two  years  ago  the  class  for  foreigners  was  com- 
posed almost  entirely  of  Transylvanians.  In  their  own  language 
they  were  well  educated,  and  they  came  to  the  library  for  the  Eng- 
lish only.  However  contradictory  it  may  seem,  our  best  teachers 
for  foreigners  speak  only  the  English  language. 

In  the  public  and  parochial  schools,  the  library  is  able  to 
benefit  the  foreigners  by  furnishing  supplementary  reading.  In 
the  second  ward,  the  primary  room  may  begin  the  term  with  fifty 
pupils,  not  half  a  dozen  of  whom  can  speak  English.  By  the  time 
these  pupils  are  in  the  second  grade  they  are  reading  library  books 
at  least  two  days  each  week.  They  are  taught  that  it  is  a  privi- 
lege to  use  the  library  books.  The  theory  is  that  the  text-book  is 
of  use  in  teaching  the  mechanics  of  reading;  that  is,  in  teaching 
how  to  read.  The  supplementary  reading  is  encouraged  because 
it  is  interesting  first,  and  instructive  second.  It  is  usually  much 
easier  reading  than  the  text-book;  hence,  is  read  without  the  usual 
effort  in  pronunciation.  It  frequently  happens  that  a  pupil  will 
tell  his  brothers  or  sisters  about  the  library  book  he  is  reading  in 

261 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

school,  and  the  brother  or  sister  forthwith  goes  to  the  library  for 
the  book.  When  a  set  of  books  is  ordered  for  the  schools,  extra 
copies  of  the  same  books  are  ordered  for  the  children's  room. 
Small  libraries  of  about  25  volumes  each  are  loaned  to  the  princi- 
pals in  the  several  wards  and  300  to  the  high  school.  Small 
libraries  of  200  volumes  each,  as  well  as  supplementary  reading 
sets,  are  furnished  the  village  and  country  schools  throughout  the 
township.  The  books  sent  to  the  country  schools  in  the  mining 
districts  are  those  discarded  by  the  library,  and  this  is  their  final 
mission. 

Out  of  a  total  circulation  of  246,000  last  year,  75,000  are 
credited  to  foreign  readers,  which  indicates  that  about  one-third 
of  the  foreigners  use  the  library  books.  The  male  foreigners  re- 
ceive further  benefits  from  the  athletic  department,  where  they 
pay  one  dollar  for  three  months  for  the  use  of  the  billiard  room, 
game  room,  gymnasium,  swimming  pool,  and  bowling  alleys. 
Out  of  a  membership  of  3,700  last  year,  1,200  were  foreigners, 
mostly  Slavs.  What  seems  to  be  a  most  hopeful  indication  is 
that  these  men  and  boys  make  the  most  use  of  the  baths.  Out  of 
70,000  baths  taken  last  year,  fully  23,000  were  taken  by  foreigners 
at  a  cost  of  three  and  one-half  cents  per  bath.  The  city  furnishes 
the  water — cheerfully. 

Out  of  a  total  attendance  of  32,000  in  the  Music  Hall,  at  least 
5,000  may  be  credited  to  the  foreigners  who  come  to  enjoy  the 
free  organ  recitals,  band  and  orchestra  concerts,  and  choruses. 
Two  of  the  plays  given  by  local  talent  were  by  foreigners.  The 
children's  librarian  told  stories  to  the  school  children  to  an  at- 
tendance aggregating  6,000.  The  library  conducted  at  the  chil- 
dren's playground  has  its  share  of  influence  upon  the  foreign 
children.  Out  of  a  total  attendance  of  275,000  in  all  depart- 
ments connected  with  the  library,  it  is  probable  that  90,000  were 
foreigners. 

TECHNOLOGICAL  USE  OF  THE  HOMESTEAD  LIBRARY 
The  technology  department  is  composed  of  approximately 
3,000  volumes.     The  use  during  the  past  year  amounted  to  7,500. 
The  use  of  periodicals  would  make  this,  in  all,  10,000.     This  use- 
fulness has  been  encouraged  by  the  semi-annual  bulletin  in  which 

262 


APPENDIX    XIII 

is  printed  a  list  of  books  on  special  subjects.  The  mill  books  come 
in  for  their  share  of  publicity.  Quantities  of  these  bulletins  are 
sent  to  the  numerous  offices  through  the  mills  as  well  as  to  the 
general  offices. 

Several  years  past  an  annotated  list  of  "mill  books  for  mill 
men"  was  issued  with  marked  success  as  to  its  results.  The  local 
paper  prints  freely  any  lists  that  are  furnished  by  the  library. 
The  most  satisfactory  selection  is  made  by  the  readers  who  come 
to  the  library  and  select  books  for  themselves.  The  open  shelves 
make  it  convenient  for  the  reader  to  find  a  book  that  is  "just  as 
good"  when  he  fails  to  find  the  one  he  wants. 

A  well-known  author  said  he  did  not  care  what  the  critics 
said  about  his  books,  but  he  did  care  what  the  people  said  to  each 
other.  The  same  principle  is  true  in  the  use  of  technical  books. 
When  Campbell's  Iron  and  Steel  was  reissued  a  few  years  ago  it 
became  necessary  for  us  to  add  fifteen  copies,  and  that  did  not 
fully  satisfy  the  demand.  This  occurred  not  because  of  any  special 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  library  but  because  of  personal  testimony 
of  the  readers  themselves. 

In  the  case  of  employes  of  the  Mesta  Machine  Company,  the 
books  are  taken  to  the  men  by  conducting  a  small  library  of  200 
volumes  in  their  reading  room.  Many  of  these  books  are  on  the 
subjects  of  iron,  steel,  founding  and  machinery.  This  like  all 
other  stations  is  renewed  upon  request.  The  collection  at  the 
C.  M.  Schwab  Industrial  School  is  composed  of  200  volumes  on 
mechanical  drawing,  carpentry,  blacksmithing  and  domestic 
economy,  and  shows  an  annual  use  of  nearly  1,000. 

Out  of  27  study  and  literary  clubs,  only  one  gave  all  its  time 
to  the  study  of  mill  subjects.  It  was  composed  of  1 5  young  men 
and  known  as  the  Iron  and  Steel  Club.  The  Superintendents' 
Club  is  not  classed  as  a  literary  club,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  most  of  the 
discussions  are  on  iron  and  steel  subjects,  which  because  of  their 
current  nature  require  a  marked  amount  of  periodical  reading  of  a 
technical  character. 

The  educational  department  enrolled  last  year  388  students, 
187  of  whom  were  in  scientific  classes.  During  the  past  five  years 
there  have  been  not  less  than  325  men  in  this  department  who  were 
studying  technical  subjects  and  reading  technical  books  on  such 

263 


HOiMESTEAD!     THE    HOUSEHOLDS    OF   A   MILL   TOWN 

subjects  as  physics,  chemistry,  metallurgy  and  mechanical  draw- 
ing. During  the  same  period  a  single  correspondence  school 
claims  900  students  in  this  community.  If  this  be  true,  there  are 
in  Homestead  probably  not  less  than  1,500  users  of  technical  books. 
This  is  equal  to  one-half  of  the  technical  employes  in  the  mills. 

The  athletic  department  has  no  doubt  the  effect  of  attract- 
ing men  to  the  books  in  the  library.  The  Music  Hall  with  an 
attendance  of  31,000  likewise  brings  people  to  the  library.  The 
extent  to  which  these  two  departments  influence  the  use  of  techni- 
cal literature  is  not  known. 

The  close  proximity  of  the  libraries  in  the  Monongahela 
Valley  to  the  Carnegie  Library  of  Pittsburgh  makes  it  futile  to 
build  up  large  collections  in  technical  literature.  When  the  case  is 
important,  the  readers  in  Homestead  are  almost  invariably  re- 
ferred to  this  library  for  literature  that  is  final  on  the  subject. 


STUDY  AND  LITERARY  CLUBS 

The  first  club  in  Homestead  was  the  Woman's  Club,  which 
was  organized  in  1897.  This  club  includes  thirty-five  members. 
The  subjects  from  year  to  year  have  been  broad  and  comprehen- 
sive. For  the  past  few  years,  Shakespeare,  Norway  and  Sweden, 
Egypt,  Famous  Women,  together  with  various  modern  topics, 
have  been  the  objects  of  discussion.  For  two  years  the  children's 
playground  work  was  conducted  and  sustained  by  this  club. 

The  Outlook  Club  is  composed  of  business  and  professional 
men.  The  subjects  discussed  are  miscellaneous  in  their  character. 
Some  of  the  subjects  for  the  past  year  were:  "Gain  as  an  incentive 
to  progress,"  "Everyday  psychology,"  "Justice  in  taxation," 
"The  function  of  government,"  "Poe's  place  in  literature,"  "If 
I  had  a  million  dollars,"  "The  Panama  Canal,"  "The  Jewish 
Nation,"  "Child  Labor,"  "Robert  Burns,"  and  "The  spirit  of 
speculation."  The  Outlook  Club,  like  most  of  these  clubs,  is  en- 
tertained by  its  members.  The  lunch  is  usually  composed  of  three 
items,  but  the  topics  for  this  social  period  are  without  number. 
The  membership  is  limited  to  15. 

The  Thursday  Night  Study  Club  was  organized  in  1902  and 
is  composed  of  25  teachers.     In  the  beginning  the  membership  was 

264 


APPENDIX    XIII 

limited  to  15,  but  the  demand  for  admittance  was  so  great  that 
the  membership  was  increased  to  25.  For  six  successive  years  this 
club  has  studied  Shakespeare.  The  Prytaneum  Club  is  composed 
of  the  wives  of  business  and  professional  men.  The  programs 
have  included  "Italy,"  "American  topics,"  "Ancient  History" 
and  miscellaneous  topics.     This  club  has  1 5  members. 

The  Principals'  Association  is  composed  of  the  principals  of 
the  several  ward  schools  and  the  teachers  in  art,  music,  domestic 
economy,  commercial  and  manual  training.  The  topics  used  in 
this  association  are,  for  the  most  part,  literary  and  pedagogical. 
The  Teachers'  Association  is  similar  in  its  character.  Its  mem- 
bership consists  of  the  grade  teachers  and  their  papers  are  on 
subjects  relating  to  their  profession.  Speakers  of  national  reputa- 
tion are  invited  to  address  these  two  associations  when  they  hold 
joint  sessions. 

The  Platonian  Literary  Society  with  70  members  is  virtually 
the  Munhall  high  school.  The  value  of  the  literary  society  cannot 
be  overestimated.  The  majority  of  the  members  in  study  clubs 
were  at  some  time  identified  with  a  school  literary  society.  The 
Munhall  Teachers'  Study  Club  consists  of  the  teachers  in  the  school 
of  the  borough  of  Munhall.  The  topics  discussed  are  literary  and 
pedagogical.  The  Monongahela  Valley  Library  Association  is 
composed  of  the  librarians  in  Braddock,  Homestead,  Duquesne, 
and  McKeesport.  The  programs  are  mostly  professional  and 
literary.     Five  out  of  a  membership  of  25  live  in  Homestead. 

The  Thebian  is  a  literary  society  conducted  at  Lincoln 
Place,  about  three  miles  from  Homestead.  The  Excelsior  Class  is 
a  Sunday-school  class  that  devotes  certain  evenings  to  literary 
work.  This  plan  not  only  benefits  the  members  intellectually 
but  helps  to  solve  the  problem  of  retaining  the  Sunday-school 
membership  of  young  people  from  thirteen  to  eighteen  years  of 
age.  Although  the  Thebians  are  in  Lincoln  Place  and  the  Ex- 
celsiors in  Munhall,  the  distance  does  not  prevent  them  from 
locking  horns  in  debate.  The  West  Homestead  Teachers'  Club 
studies  the  reading  designated  by  the  county  superintendent. 
The  programs  are  interspersed  with  current  event  topics.  In  four 
of  the  Homestead  ward  schools  literary  societies  are  conducted  in 
the  seventh  and  eighth  grades. 

265 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Two  organizations  that  are  closely  allied  to  the  study  clubs 
are  the  Men's  Association  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church  with 
ioo  members  and  the  Wesleyan  Brotherhood  of  the  First  M.  E. 
Church  with  50  members.  The  literary  work  of  these  organiza- 
tions is  conducted  on  the  lecture  plan,  and  consists  of  addresses  on 
historical,  literary  and  religious  subjects. 

The  Homeville  Literary  Society  has  a  membership  of  50. 
The  Philakalon  is  the  name  of  the  society  of  young  ladies  in  the 
Homestead  high  school.  The  membership  numbers  15.  The 
subjects  are  current  topics  and  self  culture.  The  Lincoln  Place 
Teachers'  Club,  with  a  membership  of  seven,  discusses  literary  and 
pedagogical  subjects.  The  Brilliant  Circle  of  Whitaker  is  com- 
posed of  ladies  who  discuss  current  topics. 

In  all  there  are  22  literary  and  study  clubs  with  a  member- 
ship of  787.  Not  all  the  clubs  that  have  been  organized  have 
lived.  Some  ceased  because  their  purpose  had  been  accomplished ; 
others  disbanded  "because" — and  that  is  all  the  reason  a  woman 
needs  to  give.  The  Woman's  Improvement  Club,  the  Steel  Club, 
the  Gwal,  the  Chautauqua  Circle,  the  Criterion  Club,  the  Ancient 
History  Club,  the  Atheneum  Club  and  the  Audubon  Society  are 
in  this  class. 

These  literary  clubs  are  unified  in  the  United  Literary  Clubs 
of  Homestead  and  vicinity.  This  organization  was  formed  in 
1902  for  the  purposes  of  (1)  interchange  of  experience,  (2)  obtain- 
ing the  stimulus  derived  from  the  assemblage  of  a  large  number  of 
people  having  the  same  purpose,  (3)  stimulating  the  ethical  and 
literary  spirit  of  the  community,  (4)  forming  new  clubs.  The 
annual  function  of  this  organization  has  attracted  a  thousand  of 
the  club  members  and  their  friends.  The  best  talent  that  can  be 
secured  is  obtained  for  these  occasions.  The  first  annual  meeting 
was  held  in  the  smallest  church  in  town  and  now  the  meetings 
must  be  held  in  the  Carnegie  Music  Hall. 

The  Carnegie  Library  aims  to  take  a  helpful  interest  in  the 
club  spirit  of  this  community.  The  books  that  may  be  of  service 
to  any  club  with  a  program  made  out  for  the  year  are  placed  on  a 
shelf  in  "club  corner"  where  they  may  be  consulted  or  selected 
for  home  use.  In  the  case  of  the  Audubon  Society  a  list  of  books 
and  magazine    articles  was    printed  for  free  distribution.     The 

266 


APPENDIX    XIII 


A  YEAR'S  USE,  COMPARATIVE  STATISTICS  FOR 

1908  AND  1909 

Departments 

1908 

1909 

Gain 

Loss 

LIBRARY 

Inventory    

Accessions       .... 
Withdrawn      .... 

33,961 

3.753 

944 

36,942 
4,220 
1,239 

2,981 
467 
295 

Circulation       .... 

235.247 

245,831 

10,584 

Adult  Desk      .... 
Juvenile  Desk 

Schools 

Stations 

77-774 
49.575 
78,058 
29,840 

51,665 

90,195 
26,459 

1,090 
'2,137 

262 
3.38i 

Percentage  of  Fiction. 

53 

5' 

2 

Attendance       .... 

131,869 

133,700 

1,821 

Adult 

Juvenile 

79.  ■  1 1 
52,768 

80,500 
53.200 

1.389 
432 

Readers 

1 1,000 

11,500 

500 

Reading  Room  Use  . 

93,000 

97.500 

4.500 

EDUCATION— Attendance 

Scientific 

Musical 

5,900 
2,895 
2,561 

7,126 

2,887 
3.55o 

1,226 
989 

8 

Number  Students  . 

364 

388 

24 

Study  Clubs      .... 

25 

27 

2 

Membership     .... 

750 

800 

5° 

THE  CLUB 

Membership.     Av.  Monthly    . 

994 

1,179 

.85 

Employees       .... 
Non-Employees 

Bovs 

Girls 

Ladies 

Different  Members 

374 
262 
224 
55 
79 
2,732 

424 
291 
285 
99 
80 
3.705 

50 
29 
61 

44 

1 

973 

Attendance       .... 

89,042 

97754 

8,712 

Gymnasium     .... 
Gymnasium  Members    . 
Natatorium      .... 

19,721 

950 

55.356 

21,013 

.,043 

69,569 

1,292 

93 

14.213 

Bowling  Games 

2,216 

.,832 

384 

MUSIC  HALL 

Events 

Attendance      .... 

22 
13,370 

r34 
31,625 

12 
.8,255 

Attendance — Grand  Totals 

240,390 

274.350 

33.96o 

Percentage  of  Gain 

12.4 

'7-5 

»■' 

267 


homestead:    the  households  of  a  mill  town 

percentage  of  fiction  circulated  is  51.     Before  these  clubs  were 
organized  the  percentage  of  fiction  was  63. 

While  figures  are  considered  conclusive,  they  do  not  always 
tell  all  the  story.  The  value  of  the  clubs  to  the  individuals,  to 
society,  to  the  public  schools,  and  to  the  library  would  make  a 
book  if  it  could  be  written.  To  accomplish  this  general  good 
through  organized  reading  is  what  the  United  Literary  Clubs 
aim  to  do. 

A  CATECHETICAL  CONCLUSION 
What  points  are  most  essential  in  comparing  the  usefulness  of 
libraries? 

1 .  Volumes  per  capita.  Because  it  indicates  that  the  library 
has  or  has  not  enough  books. 

2.  The  percentage  of  readers  per  population.  Because  it 
indicates  that  the  library  is  or  is  not  covering  its  field. 

3.  The  per  capita  circulation.  Because  it  indicates  that  the 
readers  are  or  are  not  making  sufficient  use  of  the  books. 

4.  Percentage  of  fiction  read.  Because  it  indicates,  in  a 
measure,  the  quality  of  reading  done. 

5.  The  cost  of  circulating  each  volume.  Because  it  indi- 
cates that  the  funds  are  or  are  not  being  used  economically. 

How  many  volumes  should  our  library  have? 

According  to  the  average  of  ten  well-known  libraries  one 
volume  per  capita  is  sufficient.  We  have  37,000  volumes  and 
about  30,000  population  in  that  part  of  Mifflin  Township  which  we 
supply  with  books  to  a  greater  or  less  degree.  This  is  1.2  volumes 
per  capita. 

How  many  readers  ought  our  library  have? 

If  the  average  is  a  criterion  we  should  have  7,510  readers  or 
25  per  cent  of  our  population.  The  fact  is  we  have  1 1,500  readers 
or  38  per  cent  of  our  population. 

How  well  are  these  readers  using  the  library? 

Each  reader  draws  on  an  average  of  22  volumes.  This  is  7 
more  than  the  average.  Out  of  22  volumes  drawn  by  each  reader 
only  51  per  cent  is  fiction.  Since  the  fiction  is  of  the  best,  it  does 
not  count  much  against  the  quality  of  reading.  The  average 
percentage  of  fiction  read  in  libraries  is  63. 

268 


APPENDIX    XIII 

Is  it  costing  us  more  to  get  our  books  read  than  it  does  other 
cities? 

It  costs  us  5  cents  to  get  a  book  read.  This  is  7  cents  less 
than  the  average. 

How  does  our  club  compare  with  other  similar  organisations? 

By  comparing  our  club  with  the  average  of  450  similar  or- 
ganizations, our  operating  expenses  are  $2,400  less;  our  member- 
ship is  459  more;  our  attendance  is  the  same;  we  have  215  more 
in  the  gymnasium;  and  we  have  26  more  organized  teams. 

How  does  our  educational  work  compare  with  other  similar 
work? 

By  comparing  the  same  as  in  the  athletic  club,  we  have 
three  more  teachers,  205  more  scholars,  and  a  per  capita  expense 
of  $3.00  less. 

The  Pittsburgh  Gazette-Times  considers  the  annual  report 
of  Homestead  Carnegie  Library  of  sufficient  importance  for  a  very 
complimentary  editorial  notice. 

"Special  significance  attaches  to  the  eleventh  annual 
report  of  the  Homestead  Carnegie  library.  It  is  generally 
believed  that  an  industrial  community  must  be  intellectually 
stagnant,  and  also  that  a  large  admixture  of  foreign  element 
in  the  population  acts  as  a  drawback  upon  the  so-called 
'higher  life.'  So  far  as  this  higher  life  is  made  up  of  bridge 
whist  and  new  thought,  there  may  be  truth  in  the  general 
belief;  but,  judging  by  such  indices  of  social  and  mental 
activity  as  the  Homestead  library  affords,  neither  the  pres- 
ence of  aliens  nor  preoccupation  with  material  interests 
interferes  with  the  most  gratifying  progress.  In  fact,  com- 
parison with  other  communities  and  similar  institutions 
gives  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  these  factors  promote  instead 
of  hamper  the  'higher  life.' 

"The  Homestead  library  contains  37,000  volumes  and 
serves  a  community  of  about  30,000.  Over  77,000  volumes 
were  circulated  at  the  adult  desk  last  year  among  11,500 
readers.  The  total  circulation  in  all  departments  was 
246,000,  an  increase  of  1 1 ,000  over  the  previous  year.  Most 
significant  of  all  is  the  percentage  of  fiction  read,  which  is 
only  51,  being  14  per  cent  lower  than  the  average  library. 
The  report  tells  of  27  literary  and  study  clubs  in  the  com- 
munity with  a  membership  of  about  800,  while  the  Carnegie 
Library  club  listed  3,705  members  in  the  course  of  the  year. 
269 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

It  should  be  understood  that  the  Homestead  library  is 
largely  institutional,  with  swimming  pools  and  billiard 
tables,  brass  bands,  and  evening  classes  to  supplement  the 
books  upon  the  shelves. 

"Librarian  Stevens  is  to  be  congratulated  upon  the 
excellent  showing  of  his  'plant.'  But  Homestead  is  even 
more  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  excellent  use  made  of  its 
opportunities  to  upset  the  theory  that  an  industrial  com- 
munity is  necessarily  unintellectual  and  materialistic." 

The  library  management  and  the  good  people  of  Homestead 
appreciate  the  recognition  of  the  advancement  the  citizens  here 
are  making  intellectually  and  trust  the  wider  circulation  of  the 
fact  will  have  a  good  influence  on  "benighted"  industrial  com- 
munities. 


270 


APPENDIX  XIV 

SLAVIC  ORGANIZATIONS  IN  HOMESTEAD 
Patriotic  Statement  by  a  Slav 

A  CLERKLY  Slav,  who  had  lived  in  Homestead  for  some 
years,  put  down  the  following  in  answer  to  some  ques- 
tions about  the  fraternal  organizations  of  his  own  people.* 
It  was  his  expressed  wish  to  write  his  answers  rather  than  to 
"speak  them,"  saying  of  them: 

Please  excuse  me,  if  I  have  done  in  this  my  letter  some  gram- 
matical or  linguistical  errors.  I  can  work  in  six  languages,  but  in  the 
English  I  am  working  seldom.  I  have  learnt  the  English  language 
mostly  from  books,  and  have  had  very  small  opportunity  to  go  deeper 
into  this  most  beautyfull  American  language.  If  I  can  not  write  and 
speak  it  as  Milton  or  Shakespeare,  You  must  excuse  me.  It  is  some- 
time no  good,  to  take  from  good  to  much.  And  this  is  true  with  the 
knowledge  of  to  much  languages.  One  You  are  neglecting  for  the  other. 
But  as  You  see  please,  I  am  not  neglecting  very  much  the  beautyfull 
language  of  my  adopted  American  country. 

His  letter,  despite  its  quaint  formalism,  breathes  a  spirit 
toward  America  which  it  would  be  sheer  wantonness  to  mar  by 
attempting  to  edit  out  his  phrases.  It  is  worth  printing  here  for 
itself: 

There  are  in  Homestead  following:— not  foreign  but  decid- 
edly American,  non-english,  indigenous,  public  organizations  of 
the  Slavic  race,  respectively  of  the  Slovak  nation. 

i.  National  Slovak  Society  In  the  United  States  and  Can- 
ada, 37,000  members.     Slovak  organization. 

2.  Roman  Catholic  Slovak  Union  in  the  United  States  and 
Canada,  36,000  members.     Slovak  organization. 

3.  Greek  Catholic  Union  called  Sojedinenje,  all  over  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  22,000  members.     Slovak  organization. 

4.  Greek  Catholic  Union  called  Sojur,  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  8,000  members.     Russian  organization. 

*  For  a  thoroughly  interesting  and  exhaustive  interpretation  of  organized 
social  life  among  the  Slavs,  and  their  assimilation  in  this  country,  the  reader  is 
referred  to  Our  Slavic  Fellow  Citizens  by  Emily  Greene  Balch,  recently  issued  by 
Charities  Publication  Committee,  New  York. 

271 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

5.  Greek  Catholic  Union,  called  Obscestvo,  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada,  5,000  members.     Russian  organization. 

6.  Roman  and  Greek  Catholic  Union  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  8,000  members.  Slovak  organiza- 
tion. 

7.  Slovak  Evangelical  Lutheran  Union,  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  6,000  members.     Slovak  organization. 

How  many  members  have  these  organizations  in  the  town 
of  Homestead,  Pa.,  separately,  I  cannot  state,  and  this  statement 
if  I  would  or  could  do  it  could  not  be  correct,  because  all  these 
organizations  have  in  Homestead,  1,  2,  3,  4,  branches  called 
assemblys  and  from  these  some  have  200-400  members,  but 
there  are  such,  which  have  50-60  members  only. 

The  accounting  of  the  membership  of  the  Assemblys 
cannot  be  made  correctly,  because  the  members  are  migrating 
every  month  from  one  place  to  another,  from  one  town  to  another, 
searching  for  work  and  occupation.  There-fore  in  the  account  of 
the  membership  of  Assemblys  is  sometime  big  difference  every 
year,  every  month  and  every  week. 

These  organizations  are  paying  death  benefits  from  $600.00 
to  $1,000,000.  Accident  benefits  from  $100.00  to  $400.00  and 
benefits  in  sickness  from  $5.00  to  $7.00  weekly.  Every  member 
of  these  organizations  does  pay  monthly  dues  from  80  cents  to 
$1.30.  These  dues  are  changing  in  their  amount  nearly  monthly 
according  to  how  many  expenses  are  there  in  the  organization, 
and  how  many  deaths,  accidents  and  sickness  occur.  These  or- 
ganizations are  mostly  organizations  of  men,  but  in  some,  as  in 
all  the  Greek  Catholic  Unions,  are  included  women  too,  which  are 
organized  in  separate  assemblys  belonging  to  their  respective 
organizations. 

The  Slavic  race  has  separate  women  organizations  too; 
and  these,  mostly  are  by  the  Slovaks,  these: 

1.  Slovak  National  Women's  Union  called  "Jivena"  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  with  active  membership  of  nearly  8,000. 

2.  Slovak  Roman  Catholic  Women's  Union  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada  with  active  membership  of  nearly  10,000 
women  and  girls. 

3.  The  Roman  and  Greek  Catholic  Women  Union  of  Penn- 
sylvania in  the  United  States  and  Canada  a  membership  of  3,000 
women  and  girls. 

"There  are  Young  Men  Associations  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada. 

1.  Roman  Catholic  Young  Mens  Association  with  nearly 
4,000  members.  This  organization  is  a  branch  of  the  big  "  Roman 
Catholic  Slovak  Union." 

272 


APPENDIX     XIV 

2.  Greek  Catholic  Young  Men  Association  with  nearly 
1,500  members.  This  organization  is  a  branch  of  the  Greek 
Catholic  Union  called  Sojedinenije. 

There  is  the  "Gymnastical  Slovak  Union"  called  Sokol  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  with  a  membership  of  5,000  young 
men.     Independent  of  any  organization. 

Besides  these  American,  Slovak  Organizations,  there  are 
in  Homestead  and  all  over  the  United  States  more  organizations  of 
Polish,  Russian,  Croation,  Chech,  Servian,  Bulgariass,  nationality 
but  regarding  these  I  can  state  only,  that  these  nationalities  of  the 
Slav  race  have  very  strong  and  rich  organizations. 

The  organization  of  the  Lituanian  nationality  are  in  number 
4  or  5  and  these  must  be  reckoned  to  the  Slav  race,  too,  because 
the  Lituanians  are  only  a  branch  of  the  very  big  Slav  race,  and 
they  are  one  of  the  Slav  nations. 

I  have  there  stated  the  membership  of  the  organizations  a 
little  higher,  because  I  know  that  until  your  book  will  be  ready, 
the  organizations  will  have  nearly  the  same  number  of  members, 
which  I  state  here.  This  does  occur  irrevocably,  because  the 
immigration  of  all  these  nations  to  this  most  glorious  our  American 
Republic,  to  the  United  States,  is  just  now  enormous  and  it  will 
be  in  a  short  time  more  stronger. 

The  Slav  race,  and  without  exception  all  the  Slav  nationali- 
ties are  the  most  and  sincere  patriotic  people  of  our  great  Republic, 
the  United  States,  because  they  have  found  there  all  that  of  which 
they  have  been  robbed  in  their  old  countries.  They  have  found 
in  United  States  personal  and  common  liberty,  free  and  inde- 
pendent civilization,  wellfare  and  all  that  which  the  aborigines 
of  the  English  and  other  races  have  there  found  themselves. 
Therefore  the  Slavic  races  is  the  most  zealous  supporter  of  all  the 
state  and  social  institutions.  Because  this  way,  the  Slavs  are 
interested  in  the  material  and  moral  development  and  evolution 
of  this  country,  they  are  supporting  every  time  that  political  party, 
which  does  seem  to  them  the  most  honest,  moral,  and  virtuous  party. 
Because  now  the  Republican  party  and  the  whole  United  States 
under  the  most  honest,  circumspect  and  glorious  leadership  of  our 
most  beloved  president  Mr.  Theodore  Roosevelt  are  enjoying, 
just  in  the  latest  years,  a  degree  of  evolution  in  every  respect, 
naturally  the  Slav  are  mostly  Republicans  and  are  following  the 
steps  which  president  Roosevelt  does  designate.  Very  small 
amount  of  the  Slavs  is  democratic.  Socialist  are  some  may  be 
1000-2000,  may  be  a  little  more,  but  not  a  single  Anarchist.  The 
Anarchists  are  mostly  Russian  Jews. 

"There  are  in  Homestead  and  vicinity  plenty  of  English 
speaking  Slavs,  and  if  you  want,  you  can  go  to  whichever  finer 

.8  273 


homestead:   the  households  of  a  mill  town 

Slav  or  Slovak  home  and  personally  ask  regarding  the  cost  of 
living.  But  you  must  have  somebody  with  you  from  the  Slavs  or 
Slovaks  themselves,  who  is  among  them  good,  versatilic  and  known 
as  their  priminent  or  honest  man  or  woman.  If  you  have  not 
done  this,  you  cannot  get  some  information  and  not  the  smallest, 
because  the  people  are  every  time  secluded  and  reserved  in  their 
giving  of  information  to  one,  whom  they  do  not  know,  who  he  or 
she  is. 

I  can  state  only  that,  that  this  step  from  you  would  be  of 
no  use,  because  our  people  is  living  in  every  respect  as  the  Ameri- 
can English  people  is  living,  except  that  the  Slavs  are  liking  to  eat 
dumpies  with  fine  cheese  of  their  country  and  disregard  the  eating 
of  half  cooked  or  baked  english  beafsteak.  The  yearly  costs  of 
living  are  by  the  Slavs  the  same  as  by  the  English  people  which  is 
varying  according  the  degrees  of  wellfare  of  the  family.  From 
my  experience  I  state  that  a  family  of  working  people  now  in  the 
United  States  does  need  yearly  $6oo-$8oo  for  support  and  from 
this  can  save  very  very  small  amount  or  nothing. 

Our  people  the  Slavs  are  not  holding  or  registering  accounts 
regarding  their  income  or  expenses.  This  does  not  do  nobody 
from  the  poorer  classes  in  the  whole  world,  except  in  some  very 
rich  and  very  popular  families.  Some  European  rich  Barons, 
Counts,  and  Princes  are  doing  this,  but  not  a  single  from  the  poorer 
class.     If  there  is  one  or  two  cases  that  is  exception  only. 

The  Greek  Catholic  Union  is  doing  the  same,  what  are 
doing  the  all  other  Slav  or  Slovak  organizations.  This  is  enlight- 
ening the  people  and  members  in  every  respect  on  the  true  prin- 
cipals of  the  christian  civilization.  To  develop  from  the  members 
the  most  true,  honest,  moral,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 
therefore,  the  members  are  compelled  to  become  citizens  of  the 
United  States  to  help  each  other  in  the  case  of  death,  accidents  or 
sickness.  To  support  the  United  States  and  their  christian  civil- 
ization in  every  possible  regard.  To  develop  their  own  civilization 
by  the  means  of  cultivation  of  their  own  the  English  American, 
but  not  English  European  language?  To  reach  this  purpose  not 
only  the  Greek  Catholic  Union,  but  all  the  Slav  organizations  and 
all  the  Slav  race  have  spent  millions  of  dollars  to  build  christian 
schools  and  churches  which  are  standing  now  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States  where  there  are  living  the  Slavs.  There  will  be 
built  more. 

In  Homestead  the  Greek  Catholic  Union  called  Sojedinenije 
has  two  Assemblys,  of  men  with  260  and  130  members,  respective 
subscribers,  and  one  Assembly  of  women  with  60  members  or 
subscribers.  The  official  organ  is  the  weekly  Amerikansky 
Russky  Viertnik  but   I  must  there  make  the  observation  that 

274 


APPENDIX    XIV 

because  this  weekly  is  the  property  of  the  whole  organization,  the 
members  are  supporting  this  weekly  themselves  and  for  this 
purpose  are  paying  monthly  8  cents  for  the  paper  into  the  treasury 
of  the  organization  and  for  this  reason  the  members  of  the  organi- 
zations cannot  be  considered  as  subscribers,  but  as  proprietors  of 
the  paper.  In  the  right  sense  of  word  they  are  not  subscribers, 
but  proprietors  of  the  paper.  Subscribers  we  have  not  very  much 
but  supporters  or  proprietors  of  the  paper  there  are  as  many  as 
how  many  members  there  are  in  the  organization;  that  is  just 
now  20,500  in  round  numbers,  but  in  some  three  or  four  months 
there  will  be  over  22,000. 

Some  Observation:  The  organizations  of  the  Slavic  race  are 
not  foreign  organizations  but  indigenous,  because  the  organiza- 
tions are  chartered  by  the  American,  United  States  authorities, 
courts  and  governmental  delegations,  and  to  these  organizations 
are  belonging  adopted  citizens  of  United  States,  mostly,  or  such 
individuals  who  in  short  time  would  be  citizens. 

Adopted,  naturalized  citizens  of  United  States  is  not  a  for- 
eigner, whatever  language  he  does  speak.  A  English  speaking 
Canadian,  or  a  subject  of  the  European  United  English  Kingdom, 
if  not  naturalized,  is  more  foreigner  in  the  United  States,  as  a 
naturalized  and  only  slightly  English  speaking,  Slav  or  German. 

To  know  to  read  and  write  is  not  a  sign  of  civilization,  but 
the  manner  and  habits,  the  moral  degree  of  a  individual.  One 
who  is  good  educated,  but  is  a  scoundrel,  rascal  or  wrong  doer,  is 
not  a  civilized  or  at  least  wrongly  civilized  and  educated  individual. 
One  who  is  good  educated  and  is  a  human  beast,  is  more  dangerous 
to  the  humanity  as  a  Bengal  tiger,  and  for  this  reason  cannot  be 
called  civilized  individual. 

The  national  civilization  of  the  Slavs  is  the  same  christian 
civilization  as  that  of  the  English  race,  because  the  source  of  both 
is  the  same,  Jesus  Christ,  the  distinction  exist  only  in  some  national 
traits  and  habits. 

No  one  nation  does  exist  which  has  not  some  black  sheep. 
In  every  nation  are  fine  and  good  men  and  women,  but  in  every 
nation  there  are  some  bad  men. 

The  science  of  sociology  has  the  commencement  in  the 
marriage  then  in  the  family,  then  in  the  tribe  then  does  spread  in 
the  nation,  then  in  the  race  and  finally  in  the  whole  humanity. 

Sociology  is  a  very  young  science  and  is  very  different  from 
"Cultural  History"  which  is  a  young  science  too. 

The  first  cultivator  of  the  true  and  right  science  of  sociol- 
ogy was  Jesus  Christ,  the  true  fundamental  ideas  of  sociology  are 
in  the  Holy  Bible. 

Every  science  must   be  based  on  christian  philosophy,  be- 

275 


homestead:  the  households  of  a  mill  town 

cause  the  most  true  philosophy  are  the  revelations  of  God,  and 
the  source  of  every  science  is  God,  because  every  true  wisdom  does 
come  directly  from  God. 

If  a  science  is  not  in  harmony  with  the  laws  of  morality 
and  the  laws  of  God  and  of  nature,  such  science  is  not  science  but 
fraud  and  prostitution  of  reason  and  human  soul. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  supply  you  with  the  data  of  all 
the  organizations  of  the  Slavic  race,  because  to  get  this  data,  I 
would  be  compelled  to  work  diligently  for  months  and  give  myself 
in  connection  with  every  Slav  organization  and  with  every  As- 
sembly, with  every  president  or  officer  of  the  organizations  and 
Assemblys. 

If  you  are  sometime  writing  regarding  the  Slavs,  never  do  you 
forget  that  the  Slavs  have  been  every  time  and  are  until  today  the 
most  brave  and  gallant,  heroic  defenders  of  the  western  European 
civilization  and  of  all  the  Western  European  nations.  If  there  is 
not  Slav  blood,  and  if  there  have  not  been  the  Slav  heroes  in 
Eastern  Europe,  the  civilization  of  the  Western  European  Na- 
tions, the  French,  German,  English  national  civilizations  would 
have  been  crashed  under  the  hard  blows  of  Tartarism,  Mohammed- 
anism and  Mongolism.  The  newest  example  of  this  truth  is  the 
most  eloquent  Russo-Japanese  war. 


APPENDIX  XV 

POPULATION  OF  HOMESTEAD  AND  MUNHALL,  1910 

The  United  States  census  of  1910  gives  Homestead  borough 
a  population  of  18,713,  as  against  12,554  in  1900,  and  791 1  in 
1890.    The  population  of  Munhall  is  given  as  5185. 


276 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Accident  Relief  Plan — 

United  States  Steel  Corporation, 
95 ;  Appendix  XII,  249 

Aldermanic  Courts — 

System  of,  28,  29 

Allegheny  County  Medical  Society, 

i47 

Amalgamated   Association   of   Iron 
and  Steel  Workers- 
Power  of,  8;  wage  scale  fixed  by,  6, 
7,  8;  and  the  Homestead  strike,  7-10 

Americanizing  Slavs- 
Problem  of,  167,  168 

Amusements,  30,  31;  athletic  clubs, 
116;  Carnegie  Library  clubs,  117; 
church,  115,  116;  cultural,  117; 
fraternal  organizations,  113,  114,  115, 
163,  164;  private,  no;  private,  of 
Slavs,  149, 150,  151;  public,  in,  112; 
public,  of  Slavs,  151;  women's  clubs, 
114,  116.  See  also  Recreation,  Expen- 
ditures for 

Analysis  of  90  budget  families — 
By  racial  and  expenditure  group, 
(Table)  44;  by  racial  group  and  nor- 
mal weekly  wage  of  man,  (Table)  36; 
and  detailed  description  of,  Appendix 
II,  206 

Architecture — 

Of  workingmen's  homes,  47 

Athletic  clubs,  116 

Atwater,  Prof- 
Food  ratios  established  by,  69,  71 

Average  expenditure — 

For  food  per  man  per  day  of  90 
budget  families,  by  racial  and  ex- 
penditure group,  (Table)  69;  of 
Slavic  families  compared  with  those 
of  other  races  spending  more  than  $15 


per  week,  (Table)  156;  of  ten  Slavic 
budget  families  earning  less  than  $12 
per  week,  (Table)  140;  of  two  groups 
of  10  families  each,  those  spending  $15 
or  more  per  week  and  those  spending 
less  than  $12,  with  the  ratio  of  in- 
crease, (Table)  156.  See  also  general 
tables 

Average  weekly  expenditure — 

General  description  and  average 
weekly  expenditure  of  each  of  the  90 
budget  families,  Appendix  II,  206;  of 
90  budget  families,  by  chief  items  of 
expenditure  and  expenditure  group, 
(Table)  45;  of  90  budget  families  by 
chief  items  of  expenditure  and  racial 
group,  (Table)  44;  of  90  budget  fam- 
ilies for  various  items,  by  expenditure 
group,  (Table)  84;  of  29  Slavic  bud- 
get families,  (Table)  152;  of  77  house- 
renting  families  by  chief  items  of  ex- 
penditure and  expenditure  group, 
(Table)  45 


Balch,  Emily  Greene — 

Our  Slavic  Fellow  Citizens,  13 

Benefit  associations.     See  Fraternal 

organizations 

Benefits — 

Carnegie  Relief,  paid  42  widows, 
(Table)  95;  insurance,  96;  paid  by 
Slavic  fraternal  organizations,  161, 
(Table)  162,  163 

Bill  of  fare- 
Typical,  63,  64 

Births— 

In  each  ward  in  Homestead,  by 
racial  group,  (Table)  146 

Board  of  Health  Report,  Homestead, 

23,  Appendix  VI,  222 


279 


Boards  of  Health- 
Pennsylvania   act   to  enable   bor- 
ough councils  to  establish,  Appendix 
V,  218 

Boarding-houses — 

Slavic,  136,  137,  138,  139,  140,  143, 
144.     See  also  Lodgers 

Borough  autonomy — 
Limitations  of,  29 

Borough  divisions — 

Effect  of,  on  taxes,  19,  20,  21,  22, 
178;  independent,  composing  Home- 
stead, 4,  18,  19,  20,  21,  178 

Borough  ordinances — 

Regulating  sanitary  conditions,  25; 
futility  of,  in  dealing  with  railroads, 
29 

Bryce  and  Highbie  Glass  Factory,  5 

Budget  families — 

Description  (detailed)  and  average 
weekly  expenditure  of  90,  (Tables) 
Appendix  II,  206;  method  of  select- 
ing, 37,  Appendix  I,  187.  See  also 
general  tables 

Budget  study- 
American  assistant  employed  in 
making,  37;  includes  families  of 
different  wage  and  racial  groups,  37; 
includes  period  of  depression  1907-08, 
43 ;  main  purpose  of  economic  side  of, 
43;  methods  of,  Appendix  I,  187; 
Slavic  assistant  employed  in  making, 
37,  38;  subject  of,  4 

Building  laws,  25 

Burial  benefits.     See  Benefits 


Capital  stock — 

Carnegie  Steel  Company,  increase 
in,  7 

Carnegie  Land  Company — 

Houses  in  Munhall,  18,  48 

Carnegie  Library,  Homestead,  178; 
described  by  W.  F.  Stevens,  Appendix 
XIII,  255;  Slavic  books  in,  166 

Carnegie  Library  clubs,  88,  257-260; 
activities  of,   117,    257-260;    educa- 


tional classes,  124,  262-264;   open  to 
Slavs,  166,  167,  260-262 

Carnegie  Relief  Fund,  93,  94,  95, 
Appendix  XI,  245;  benefits  paid  from, 
(Table)  95 

Carnegie  Steel  Company — 

Classification  and  earnings  of 
employes,  Homestead  Steel  Works, 
Appendix  IV,  215;  compensation 
paid  for  work-accidents,  94,  (Table) 
95;  increase  in  capital  stock,  7; 
Kloman's  mill  absorbed  by,  5;  loans 
money  to  employes  to  assist  in  pur- 
chasing homes,  58 

Carnegie  Technical  School  in  Pitts- 
burgh, 124 

Casualties — 

On  unprotected  grade  crossings, 
Homestead,  Appendix  VII,  233 

Chamber  of  Commerce:     Report  of 

Committee  on  Trade  and  Commerce, 

69,  237 

Chapin,  Robert  Coit— 

The  Standard  of  Living  among 
Workingmen's  Families  in  New  York 
City,  51,  52,  67,  70, 103, 104, 105, 142, 


Child-labor— 

None  in  steel  mills,  127 

Children — 

At  work,  118;  born  in  each  ward  in 
Homestead,  ratio  of,  to  deaths  of 
children  under  two  in  the  same  ward, 
(Table)  146;  education  of,  118;  effect 
of  overcrowding  on  Slavic,  145,  146, 
147;  future  prospects  of  Slavic,  148; 
home  training  of,  118;  home  training 
of  Slavic,  148;  lack  of  care  in  feeding, 
64;  seldom  work  outside  home,  41, 
107, 125 

Children  of  Homestead,  The,  118- 
128 

Christianity  and  the  Social  Crisis — 
By  Walter  Rauschenbusch,  88 

Church- 
Amusements,   115,   116;    expendi- 
tures for,  88,  89;  influences  on  Slavs, 
152, 158,  159,  160 


280 


Churches — 

Founded  before  strike  of  1892,  6; 
Slavic,  133 

Civic  conditions,  31,  32 

Civic  development,  5,  6,  17 

Civic  efficiency — 

Effect  of  transient  population  on, 
IS 

Civic  environment,  27,  28,  29.  30,  31, 

32 

Civic  inertia,  26,  173,  178 

Civic  life- 
Effect  of  industrial  conditions  on,  4, 
35.  36,  37,  39,  40, 41, 42, 171, 172, 173, 
178,  179,  180,  181,  182,  183,  184 

Civic  outlook,  1 28 ;  Slavs'  influence  on, 
128 

Clothing,  expenditures  for,  82,  83, 

(Table)  84,  86,  87,  101,  102,  103,  104, 
105;  by  Slavs,  140,  142,  157,  (Tables) 
152,  156;  during  depression  of  1907- 
08,  (Table)  98;  minimum,  103 

College  education — 

Attitude  toward,  126,  127 

Colonial  Club,  27 
Colored.     See  Negroes 
Commercial  schools,  125 

Community  of  interest — 

Among  English  workers,  16 

"  Company"  houses.  See  Housing  of 
employes 

Compensation — 

Paid  by  Carnegie  Steel  Company 
to  widows  of  42  employes  killed  in 
Allegheny  County,  (Table)  95;  re- 
ceived by  42  widows  plus  Carnegie 
Relief  benefits,  (Table)  95.  See  also 
Work-accidents 

Conclusion,  169-184 

Congestion  of  population,  46,  47; 
among  Slavs,  135,  136,  137.  See  also 
Overcrowding 

Cost   of   living,    66;     in   Pittsburgh, 


281 


Appendix   IX,    237.     See  also  Food; 
Fuel;  Rent;  etc. 

Cox,  John  F.,  22 

Credit- 
Buying  on,  75,  98,  99,  100.     See 
also  Instalment 


Daughters — 

Parents'  ambition  for,  127,  128. 
See  also  Children;  Women 

Davis,  Thomas  L.,  27 

Death  benefits.     See  Benefits 

Death  rate,  25,  26.     See  also  Infant 
mortality 

Deaths— 

Of  children  under  two  years  of  age 
in  each  ward  in  Homestead,  by  racial 
group,  (Table)  146 

Depression  of  1907-08 — 

Economic  effect  of,  100;  effect  of, 
on  budget  investigation,  43,  197; 
expenditures  during,  43,  (Table)  98, 
99,  197-198;  expenditures  for  cloth- 
ing during,  (Table)  98;  expenditures 
for  food  by  same  family  in  normal 
times  and  during  depression,  77, 
(Table)  78;  expenditures  for  food 
during,  (Table)  98;  expenditures  for 
fuel,  (Table)  98;  expenditures  for 
furniture,  insurance,  and  sundries 
during,  (Table)  98,  197;  insurance 
premiums  paid  during,  97;  privation 
among  Slavs  caused  by,  135;  savings 
drawn  from  bank  during,  by  racial 
group,  (Table)  99;  savings  not  in 
budgets  during,  97 

Dinner  pail — 

Importance  of,  64 

Disorderly  houses,  28 

Domestic  science — 

In  schools,  78,  122,  123,  125 


Earnings.     See  Wages 

Eastman,  Crystal — 

Work-accidents  and  the  Law,  93,  95 


Economic  development,  29,  30,  31,  32 

Economic  independence — 
Lack  of,  31 

Economy — 

Result  of  undue,  in  fuel,  86;  undue, 
may  lower  physical  and  social  stand- 
ards, 84,  85,  86.  See  also  Savings, 
cost  of 

Education — 

Attitude  of  Slavs  toward,  160; 
attitude  toward  college,  126,  127; 
of  children,  118;  of  Slavic  children, 
159,  160.  See  also  Sundries,  Expen- 
ditures for 

Educational  classes — 

Carnegie  Library  Clubs,  1 24 

Emergency — 

Weekly  expenditures  by  two  typical 
families  in  time  of,  89,  90 

Employes — 

Attitude  of,  toward  mill,  174,  175, 
176,  177,  178;  Carnegie  Steel  Com- 
pany loans  to,  for  purchasing  homes, 
58;  housing  of,  18,  19;  in  Homestead 
plant  of  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation, 
Appendix  III,  214;  racial  groups  in 
Homestead  plant  of  Carnegie  Steel 
Company,  (Table)  13;  classification 
and  earnings  of,  in  Homestead  plants, 
Appendix  IV,  215 

Employes  owning  homes.     See  House 
owners 

Employment,     steadiness     of.    See 

Wages,  regularity  of 

English-speaking  Europeans — 

Expenditures  of,  for  food,  70, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72;  expenditures 
of,  for  fuel,  (Table)  44;  expenditures 
of,  for  insurance,  (Table)  44;  ex- 
penditures of,  for  other  items,  (Table) 
44;  expenditures  of,  for  rent,  (Tables) 
44,  50,  52;  expenditures  per  week  by, 
(Table)  44;  infant  mortality  among, 
(Table)  146;  owning  homes,  (Table) 
57;  wages  of  skilled  and  unskilled, 
(Table)  40;  weekly  wage  of,  (Table) 
38.  See  also  general  tables  and  Ap- 
pendix II 


English-speaking  families — 

Ideals  of,  106;  income  of ,  increased 
by  lodgers,  107,  108 

English-speaking  households,  The, 

33-128;  community  of  interest  among, 
16;  problems  of,  106 

Entertainments.     See  Amusements 

Equity- 
Question  of,  involved  in  strike  of 
1892,  10, 11 

Evening  schools,  123,  124;  for  Slavs, 
166 

Expenditures — 

Analysis  of  budget  families  by, 
(Table)  36;  analysis  of,  by  chief 
items,  (Tables)  44,  45;  average,  of 
Slavic  families,  (Tables)  140,  152; 
average,  of  Slavic  families  compared 
with  others,  (Table)  156;  by  native 
whites,  (Table)  44;  by  Negroes, 
(Table)  44;  by  Slavs,  (Tables)  44, 
152;  comparison  of,  (Table)  156; 
during  depression  of  1907-08,  (Table) 
98,  99,  197;  for  instalment  on  home 
during  depression  of  1907-08,  (Table) 
98;  marginal,  81,  82,  83,  (Table)  84, 
85,  86;  of  a  family  in  normal  times 
and  in  time  of  depression,  (Table)  98; 
of  different  budget  groups,  analysis  of 
average  weekly,  102,  103,  104,  105, 
106;  of  families  spending  less  than 
$12  a  week,  (Table)  102;  by  English- 
speaking  Europeans,  (Table)  _  44; 
ratio  of  weekly,  for  various  items 
between  different  expenditure  groups, 
(Table)  84;  relative,  for  food  and 
rent  in  different  racial  groups,  70; 
weekly,  by  two  typical  families  in 
time  of  emergency,  89,  90.  See  also 
Rent;  Food;  Fuel;  Clothing;  Insur- 
ance; and  other  special  items 

Expenses — 

Reduction  of,  during  depression  of 
1907-08,  98,  99.  See  also  Expendi- 
tures 


Family  ideals,  45,  55;  fulfilment  of, 
limited,  171,  172;  of  English-speak- 
ing workmen,  106 


282 


INDEX 


Family  life — 

Dependent  on  men's  wages,  41; 
effect  of  industrial  conditions  on,  4, 
35.  36,  37,  39,  40, 41,  42,  171,  172, 173, 
178,  179,  180,  181,  182,  183,  184; 
type  of,  determined  by  industrial 
conditions,  107 

Family  relationships.  See  Human 
relationships 

Financial  condition  of  municipality, 
21,  22 

Fitch,  John  A  — 

The  Steel  Workers,  36,  42,  177 

Food,  63,  64,  65,  66,  67;  and  rent, 
relative  expenditures  for,  in  different 
racial  groups,  70;  a  three-times-a-day 
problem,  80;  budgets,  two  weekly,  of 
a  thrifty  family,  (Table)  78;  dinner- 
pail,  64;  discretion  in  buying,  77; 
evils  of  buying  on  credit,  75;  high 
prices  of,  66;  holiday  feasts,  65; 
ignorance  of  values,  78;  irregularity  of 
meals,  64;  lack  of  care  in  feeding 
children,  64;  ratios  established  by 
Prof.  Atwater,  69,  71;  standard  of 
nourishment,  70,  71;  Sunday  dinner, 
65;   typical  bill  of  fare,  63,  64 

Food,  expenditures  for,  67,  68,  69,  82, 
83,  84,  101,  102,  103,  104,  105;  by  a 
poor  housekeeper,  (Table)  76;  by  a 
thrifty  housekeeper,  (Table)  76;  by 
English-speaking  Europeans,  70, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72;  by  expendi- 
ture group,  (Tables)  45,  68;  by 
native  whites,  70,  (Tables)  44,  68,  69, 
72;  by  Negroes,  70,  (Tables)  44,  68, 
69,  72;  by  same  family  in  normal 
times  and  during  depression,  77, 
(Table)  78;  by  Slavs,  70,  140,  157, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72,  141,  152,  156; 
by  two  housewives  of  extreme  types, 
74,  75,  (Table)  76;  dependent  on 
thriftiness  of  housewives,  74,  75,  76, 
79,  80;  during  depression  of  1907-08, 
(Table)  98,  198;  families  spending 
less  than  22  cents  per  man  per  day,  by 
expenditure  and  racial  groups,  (Table) 
72;  in  Slavic  boarding  house,  139, 
140;  in  Slavic  home,  141;  per  capita, 
(Tables)  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74,  141; 
purchased     on     special     order     for 


boarders  during  month  account  was 
kept  (Slav  family),  (Table)  139 

Fraternal  organizations — 

Amusements  of,  113,  114,  115,  163, 
164;  Home  Guards,  96;  insurance  in, 
90,  (Table)  91;  membership,  113; 
Modern  Woodmen,  96,  113;  Odd 
Fellows,  115;  Order  of  Elks,  113; 
outside  charity  work  of,  115;  Pro- 
tected Home  Circle,  113;  Royal 
Arcanum,  96,  113;  Slavic,  158,  160, 
161,  162,  163,  164;  Slavic,  affiliated 
with  national,  163;  Slavic,  benefits 
paid  by,  161,  (Table)  162,  163; 
Slavic,  insurance  in,  161,  (Table)  162, 
163;  Slavic,  nationalities  segregated 
in  separate  lodges,  164;  social  fea- 
tures of,  113,  114,  115 

Frick,  H.  C— 

Cause  of  antagonism  toward,  8; 
park  given  by,  30,  178 

"Front  room,"  55,  56,  85 

Fuel,  expenditures  for,  82, 83,  (Table) 
84,  87,  102,  103,  104;  by  English- 
speaking  Europeans,  (Table)  44; 
by  expenditure  group,  (Table)  45; 
by  native  whites,  (Table)  44;  by 
Negroes,  (Table)  44;  by  Slavs,  140, 
157,  (Tables)  44,  152,  156;  during 
depression  of  1907-08,  (Table)  98; 
results  of  undue  economy  in.  86 

Furniture,  expenditures  for,  82,  83, 
(Table)  84,  85,  87,  101,  102,  103,  104, 
105;  by  Slavs,  140.  142,  (Tables)  152, 
156;  during  depression  of  1907-08, 
(Table)  98 

Future  outlook — 

Civic  and  industrial,  128 


Gardens — 

Of  workingmen's  homes,  47,  48 

Girls.     See  Daughters;  Women 

Grade  crossings — 

Unprotected    in    Homestead,    29; 
casualties  on,  Appendix  VI,  233 

Great  Britain — 

Grants  by  governmental  authori- 
ties for  building  operations,  58 


283 


Hays  borough,  19 

Health- 
Expenditures    for.     See  Medicine, 
Expenditures  for 

High  schools,  120 

Holiday  feasts,  65 

Hollow,  The.     See  Munhall  Hollow 

Home  Guards,  96 

Home  Life  of  the  Slavs,  145-157 

Home-making,  55,  56,  57, 108, 109,  no 

Home  purchasers — 

Among  90  budget  families,  by 
normal  weekly  income  and  by  racial 
group,  (Table)  57 

Homes    owned    by    employes.    See 

House  owners 

Homestead — 

As  a  business  center,  29,  30;  taxes, 
(Table)  20;  town  plan  of,  46,  47; 
water  and  sewerage  systems,  23; 
boroughs,  4,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  178 

Homestead  and  the  great  strike,  3- 
11 

Homestead  Bank  and  Life  Insurance 
Company,  46 

Homestead  Park,  19,  30 

Homestead  Realty  Company,  58 

Homestead  Woman's  Club,  116,  121, 
122 

Homeville,  19 

Hospitals,  95 

Hours- 
Mill,  36,  171,  172 

House  owners — 

Carnegie  Steel  Company  helps 
employes  to  become,  58;  English- 
speaking  Europeans,  (Table)  57; 
native  whites,  (Table)  57;  Negroes, 
(Table)  57;  number  of,  increased  by 
considerateness  of  real  estate  com- 
panies, 31;  opportunities  for  becom- 
ing, given  workingmen,  57,  58,  61; 
Slavs,  (Table)  57,  152,  153,  155;  why 


some  workingmen  are  not,  60,  61,  62; 
workingmen  as,  45,  56,  57,  58,  59,  60; 
workingmen  becoming,  lessens  mo- 
bility of  labor,  62 

Household  problem — 

Of  English-speaking  workmen,  106 

Housewives— 

Efficient  and  inefficient,  63,  74,  75, 
70,  77,  78,  79,  80,  108,  109 

Housing  conditions,  19,  24,  25,  26,  27, 
46,  47,  131,  135,  136,  137;  in  Munhall 
Hollow,  18,  19,  26,  27;  overcrowding 
decreases  with  higher  wages,  52,  53; 
typical,  cited,  giving  rent  and  wages, 
49,  50.     See  also  Overcrowding 

Housing  of  employes,  18,  19 

Housing  ordinances — 

Inadequate,  25 

Human  relationships,  107-117 
Hungarians.     See  Slavs 


Improvements  in  process — 

Recompense  paid  men  for  practical 
suggestions  leading  to,  174 

Income — 

Increased  by  lodgers,  English- 
speaking  families,  107,  108,  (Tables) 
201;  increased  by  lodgers,  Slavic 
families,  42,  140,  142,  143,  144,  157, 
(Tables)  201;  increased  by  other 
means  than  lodgers,  Slavic  families, 
142,  (Tables)  201;  sons'  contribu- 
tions to,  125,  126,  (Tables)  201.  See 
also  Wages 

Industrial  conditions,  31;  at  time  of 
strike  of  1892,  7;  determine  type  of 
family  life,  107;  effect  of,  on  civic  and 
family  life,  4,  35,  36,  37,  39,  40,  41, 
42,  171,  172,  173,  178,  179,  180,  181, 
182,  183,  184;   summed  up,  31,  32 

Industrial  development,  4,  5,  12 

Industrial  Insurance  Funds  of  Ger- 
many, 58 

Industrial  outlook,  128;  Slavs'  in- 
fluence on, 1 28 


284 


Infant    mortality,    2 

English-speaking  Euj 


Industrial  suppression — 

Inertia  the  effect  of,  10,  n,  173, 
174,  175,  176,  177,  178,  184;  outcome 
of  strike  of  1892,  10,  n,  175,  176 

Inertia — 

Effect  of  industrial  suppression,  10, 
n,  173,  174,  175,  176,  177,  178,  184 

25,  26;  among 
.__  speaking  Europeans,  (Table) 
146;  among  native  whites,  (Table) 
146;  among  Negroes,  (Table)  146; 
among  Slavs,  (Table)  146,  147 

Instalment — 

Buying  on,  85.  See  also  Credit; 
Expenditures  for  instalment  on  home 

Insurance — 

Benefits  under,  96;  expenditures 
for,  89,  92,  95,  96;  important  item  in 
family  budget,  95;  in  fraternal  or- 
ganizations, 90,  (Table)  91 ;  in  regular 
companies,  90,  (Table)  91;  in  Slavic 
fraternal  organizations,  161,  (Table) 
162,  163;  number  of  persons  insured 
in  90  budget  families  and  per  cent  of 
families  carrying  insurance — by  ex- 
penditure group,  (Table)  91;  number 
of  persons  in  90  budget  families  in- 
sured in  regular  companies  and 
lodges — by  racial  group,  (Table)  91; 
per  cent  of  budget  families  carrying, 
90,  (Table)  91,  92;  premium  pay- 
ments continued  during  depression 
1907-08,  97;  provisions  for,  univer- 
sal, 97;  ratings  on  men  employed  in 
iron  and  steel  industry,  Appendix  X, 
243 

Insurance,  expenditures  for,  82,  83, 
(Table)  84,  89,  92,  95,  96,  101,  102, 
103,  104,  105;  by  English-speaking 
Europeans,  (Table)  44;  by  expendi- 
ture group,  (Table)  45;  by  native 
whites,  (Table)  44;  by  Negroes, 
(Table)  44;  by  Slavs,  140,  157, 
(Tables)  44,  152,  156;  during  de- 
pression of   1907-08,  97,  (Table)  98 

Intemperance,  27,  28,  112,  113,  173; 
among  Slavs,  140,  149;  evil  of  town, 
109;  the  women's  battle  against,  109 


Isolation  of  Slavs, 

168,  180,  181 


[5,  164,  167, 


Kennywood  Park,  30 

Kindergartens,  122 

Kloman's  mill — 

Absorbed  by  Carnegie  Steel  Com- 
pany, 5 


Labor  element — 

Antagonistic  to  H.  C.  Frick,  8 

Labor  unions.     See  Trade  unions 

Leasing  system — 

John  Munhall  Estate,  58 

Letts.     See  Slavs 

Life  at  $1.65  a  day,  138-144;  eco- 
nomic problem  of  married  Slavs,  140, 
141,  142,  143,  144;  economic  problem 
of  single  Slavs,  138,  139,  140,  143; 
possibilities  of,  179,  180 

Lincoln  Place,  19 

Liquor.     See  Intemperance;  Sundries 

Literature — 

Available,  88 

Lithuanians.     See  Slavs 

Livelihood — 

Prospect  of  an  independent,  for 
steel  workers,  182,  183,  184 

Location  and  description  of  town,  3, 

4,  5,  17,  18 

Lodgers — 

Income  increased  by,  in  English- 
speaking  families,  107,  108;  income 
increased  by,  in  Slavic  families,  42, 
140,  142,  143,  144,  157;  per  cent  of 
Slavic  families  taking,  142,  (Table) 
143.     See  also  Boarding  houses 

Lodgers.     See  Fraternal  organizations 


rars.     See  Slavs 

Make-up  of  the  town,  12-32 

Margaret  Morison  Carnegie  School, 
125 


285 


Margin — 

Minimum  wage  required  to  assure 
practical,  181,  182,  183,  184;  reason- 
able, above  expenditures  for  necessi- 
ties, 105 

Marginal  expenditures,  81,  82,  83, 
(Table)  84,  85,  86;  as  shown  in 
typical  budgets,  82,  83,  84 

McClure  Homestead,  4 

McKeesport  water  supply,  24 

Meals — 

Irregularity  of,  64 

Medical  inspection — 

None  in  Homestead  schools,  120 

Medicine,  Expenditures  for,  82,  83, 
(Table)  84,  87,  101,  102;  during  de- 
pression of  1907-08,  (Table)  98 

Membership,  dues  and  benefits — 
Of    9    Slavic    societies    in    1908, 
(Table)  162 

Men  employed  in  Homestead  mill — 

By  racial  group  and  degree  of  skill, 
(Table)  40;  classified  according  to 
skill,  citizenship,  etc.,  March  1,  1907, 
Appendix  III,  214 

Mendicants,  37 

Menu.     See  Bill  of  fare 

Mesta  Machine  Company,  19 

Methods  of  budget  study — 
Appendix  I,  187 

Midwives,  87 

Mill  — 

And  the  household,  the,  171-184; 
and  the  town,  the,  3-32;  attitude  of 
employes  toward,  174,  175,  176,  177, 
178;  attitude  of  newspapers  toward, 
88,  176;  attitude  of  stockholding 
employes  toward,  176,  177;  character 
of  Slavic  labor  in,  134;  conditions  of 
work  in,  171,  172,  173,  174;  hours  of 
work  in,  36,  171,  172;  mental  fatigue 
caused  by  work  in,  173;  no  child 
labor  in,  127;  officers,  formerly  work- 
men, 177;  per  cent  of  married  Slavs 
employed  in,  1S0;  per  cent  of  skilled 
and  unskilled  Slavs  employed  in,  134,   | 


152,  153;  per  cent  of  Slavs  employed 
m>  J33J  prospect  of  promotion  in, 
134,  174,  180,  182;  site,  5;  superin- 
tendent of,  177;  wages  for  work  in, 
171,  180,  181,  182,  183;  wages  in, 
compared  with  bituminous  mines, 
181.     See  also  Industrial  situation 

Minor  household  expenditures,  82, 

83,  (Table)  84,  86,  87,  101,  102,  103, 
104,  105;  during  depression  of  1907- 
08,  (Table)  98 

Miscellaneous  expenditures.  See 
Other  expenditures;  Sundries 

Modern  Woodmen,  96,  113 

Morality — 

Of  Slavic  community,  148,  149; 
of  town,  no.  See  also  Disorderly 
houses;  Intemperance 

Moving  pictures.  See  Amusements, 
public 

Munhall,  178;  Carnegie  Land  Com- 
pany houses  in,  18,  48;  schools,  120; 
taxes,  20-22,  (Table)  20;  town  plan 
of,  46;  water  supply,  24,  178 

Munhall  Estate,  John,  18,  19,  26,  27; 
leasing  system,  58 

Munhall  Hollow — 

Housing  conditions  in,  18,  19,  26, 
27;  no  public  improvements,  19 

Municipal  finances,  21,  22 

Municipal  water  supply,  23,  24 


National  distinctions  among  Slavs, 

133 

National    Vacation    Bible     School 
Committee  of  New  York,  121 

Native  whites — 

Expenditures  of,  for  food,  70, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72;  expenditures 
of,  for  fuel,  (Table)  44;  expenditures 
of,  for  insurance,  (Table)  44;  expendi- 
tures of,  for  other  items,  (Table)  44; 
expenditures  of,  for  rent,  (Tables)  44, 
50,  52;  expenditures  per  week  by, 
(Table)  44;  infant  mortality  among, 
(Table)  146;   owning  homes,  (Table) 


286 


57;  wages  of  skilled  and  unskilled, 
(Table)  40;  weekly  wage  of,  (Table) 
38.  See  also  general  tables  and  Ap- 
pendix II 

Negroes — 

Expenditures  of,  for  food,  70, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72;  expenditures 
of,  for  fuel,  insurance,  and  other  items, 
(Table)  44;  expenditures  of,  for  rent, 
(Tables)  44,  50,  52;  expenditures  per 
week  by,  (Table)  44;  infant  mortality 
among,  (Table)  146;  owning  homes, 
(Table)  57;  social  position  of,  14; 
wages  of  skilled  and  unskilled,  (Table) 
40;  weekly  wage  of,  (Table)  38.  See 
also  general  tables  and  Appendix  II 

New  York  Central  System,  29 

Newspapers- 
Attitude  of,  toward  mill,  88,  176; 
expenditures  for,  during  depression  of 
1907-08,  (Table)  98 

Nickelodeons.     See  Amusements 

Nurses- 
No  school,  120;   no  visiting,  87 

Nutrition  Investigation,  Report  on — 
By  Frank  P.  Underhill,  Ph.  D.,  70, 
71,  141 


Odd  Fellows,  115 

Officers- 
Mill,  formerly  workmen,  177 

Offices — 

Women  in,  125 

Order  of  Elks,  113 

Ordinance — 

Borough,  regulating  sanitary  con- 
ditions, 25;  affecting  railroads  in- 
effective, 29.  See  also  Housing  ordi- 
nances; Sanitary  ordinances 

Other  expenditures:  The  budget  as  a 
whole,  81-106.     See  also  Sundries 

Overcrowding — 

Absence  of  specific  regulation  con- 
cerning, 25;  decreases  with  higher 
wages,  52,  53;  effect  of,  on  Slavic 
children,    145,    146,    147;     in   Slavic 


families,  136,  137,  138,  139,  140,  143. 
144;  number  of  persons  per  room 
in  21  courts — Families  which  took 
lodgers  compared  with  families  which 
did  not,  (Table)  144.  See  also 
Congestion 


Parents — 

Interest  of,  in  school,  118,  119,  120; 
ambition  for  daughters,  127, 128;  am- 
bition for  sons,  126,  127,  128 

Parlor.     See  "Front  Room" 

Pay  Friday,  37 

Pennsylvania  Act- 
To  enable  borough  councils  to  es- 
tablish, Appendix  V,  218 

Pennsylvania  lines,  29 

Pensions — 

Fund  set  aside  by  United  States 
Steel  Corporation  to  provide,  95, 
Appendix  XII,  249 

Philanthropic  movements — 

Attitude  of  workmen  toward,  178 

Pinkertons — 

In  strike  of  1892,  9 

Pittsburgh — 

Cost  of  living  in,  Appendix  IX, 
237;    water  supply,  24 

Pittsburgh  and  Lake  Erie  tracks,  29 

Pittsburgh,  Virginia  and  Charles- 
ton tracks,  29 

Playgrounds — 

School,  120,  121 

Poles.     See  Slavs 


Political  divisions. 

visions 


See  Borough  di- 


Political  situation,  22,  23 
65,  166 


Politics — 

Among  Slavs, 


Population — 

Congestion  of,  46,  47;  congestion 
of,  among  Slavs,  135,  136,  137;  effect 
of  transient,  on  civic  efficiency,  15; 


287 


elements  of,  at  time  of  strike  of  1802, 
5,  6;  elements  of,  cause  of  change  in, 
15;  elements  of  present,  3,  4,  12,  13, 
14;  native  and  foreign  born  in  four 
boroughs  of  Allegheny  County,  (Table) 
13;  native  and  foreign  born  in  Home- 
stead, (Table)  13;  preponderance  of 
males  in,  15;  segregation  of  present, 
into  groups,  14.  See  also  Housing 
conditions 

Prevention  of  work-accidents, 
movement  for,  92,  93 

Privy  vaults,  unflushed.     See  Toilets 

Profits  of  industry — 

Not  reinvested  in  Homestead,  31 

Promotion — 

Prospect  of,  among  Slavs,  134,  180; 
prospect  of,  in  mill,  134,  174,  180,  182 

Protected  Home  Circle,  113 

Prudential  Insurance  Company,  96; 
rates  for  iron  and  steel  workers,  Ap- 
pendix X,  243 

Public- 
Indifference  of,  to  sanitary  condi- 
tions, 26 


Railroad  grade  crossings,  29 

Rauschenbusch,  Walter — 

Christianity  and  the  Social  Crisis, 


Real  estate  dealers- 
Number  of  house  owners  increased 
by  considerateness  of,  31 

Recreation,   Expenditures    for,   89, 

no;  during  depression  of  1907-08, 
(Table)  98 

Religious  life  of  Slavs.     See  Church 
influences 

Rent— 

And    food — Relative  expenditures 
for,  in  different  racial  groups,  70 

Rent,  Expenditures  for,  48,  49,  50, 

5i,  52,  S3,  54,  55,  82,  83,  (Table)  84, 
101,  102,  103,  104,  105;  by  English- 
speaking    Europeans,    (Tables)     44, 


50,  52;  by  expenditure  group,  (Ta- 
bles) 45,  50,  52;  by  native  whites, 
(Tables)  44,  50,  52;  by  Negroes, 
(Tables)  44,  50,  52;  by  Slavs,  140, 
141,  157,  (Tables)  44,  50,  52,  152, 
156;  determined  by  wages,  51,  52; 
during  depression  of  1907-08,  43,  53, 
198;  in  the  household  budget,  46-62; 
of  7  7  house-renting  families — average 
amount  and  percentage  of  total  ex- 
penditure— by  racial  and  expenditure 
group,  (Tables)  52 

Roumanians.     See  Slavs 

Royal  Arcanum,  96,  113 

Russians.     See  Slavs 


Saloons.     See  Intemperance 

Sanitary  conditions — 

Borough  ordinance  regulating,  25; 
indifference  of  public  to,  26;  of 
schools,  119,  120;  responsibility  for 
poor,  26,  27 

Sanitary  ordinances — 

Lack  of  leadership  necessary  to 
obtain,  178 

Sanitary  regulations — 

Lack  of,  23,  24,  25,  26,  53 

Savings,  89,  100;  absence  of,  in  bud- 
gets during  depression  of  1907-08,  97; 
advantages  of,  98;  cost  of,  in  health 
and  pleasure,  79,  100,  101,  102,  103; 
drawn  from  bank  during  depression  of 
1907-08,  by  racial  group,  (Table)  99; 
object  of,  97 

Savings  bank  accounts — 

Of  Slavs,  153,  156 

Schedules — 

Facsimiles  of  cards,  188-191 

Schooley,  M.  P.,  27 

Schools — 

Carnegie  Technical  School  in  Pitts- 
burgh, 124;  commercial,  125;  domes- 
tic science  in,  78,  122,  123,  125; 
evening,  123,  124;  evening,  for  Slavs, 
166;  facilities  of,  119;  high,  120; 
instruction  in,  120;  interest  of  pa- 
rents in,  118,  119,  120;   kindergarten, 


288 


122;  manual  training  in,  122,  123, 
124;  Margaret  Morison  Carnegie, 
125;  Munhall,  120;  new  buildings, 
119;  no  medical  inspection  and 
nurses  in,  120;  parochial,  159,  160; 
playgrounds,  120,  121;  sanitary  con- 
dition of,  119,  120;  vacation,  121. 
See  also  Carnegie  Library  educational 
classes 

Schwab  Manual  Training  School,  78, 

122,  123,  178 

Service,  Expenditures  for— 

During  depression  of  1907-08, 
(Table)  98 

Seven-day  labor — 
Appendix  VIII,  236 

Sewerage  system — 
In  Homestead,  23 

Sick  benefits.     See  Benefits 

Skating  rink.     See  Amusements,  public 

Skilled  and  unskilled — 

Wages  of,  English-speaking  Euro- 
peans, native  whites,  Negroes  and 
Slavs,  (Table)  40,  41.  See  also  Ap- 
pendix IV 

Slav  Organized,  The,  158-168 

Slavic  boarding-houses — 

Expenditures  for  food  in,  139,  140; 
overcrowding,  136,  137,  138,  139, 
140,  143,  144 

Slavic  books — 

Carnegie  Library, 


00 


Slavic  children — 

Education  of,  159,  160;  effect  of 
overcrowding  on,  145,  146,  147; 
future  prospects  of,  148;  training  of, 
148 


Slavic  churches, 


1.53 


Slavic  community — 

Moral  tone  of,  148,  149 

Slavic  courts.     See  Housing  conditions 

Slavic  families — 

Average  expenditures  of,  (Tables) 
140,  152;  average  expenditures  of, 
compared  with  other  races,  (Table) 

19  289 


156;  per  cent  of,  taking  lodgers,  142, 
(Table)  143 

Slavic  Fellow  Citizens,  Our— 
By  Emily  Greene  Balch,  13 

Slavic  fraternal  organizations,  158, 
160,  161,  162,  163,  164;  affiliated 
with  national  organizations,  163; 
amusements  of,  163,  164;  benefits 
paid  by,  161,  (Table)  162,  163; 
insurance  in,  161,  (Table)  162,  163; 
nationalities  segregated  in  separate 
lodges,  164 


Slavic  home — 

Expenditures    for 
typical,  145,  152 

Slavic  household — 
Notes  on  a  typical, 


food    in,    141 


154, 155 


Slavic  organizations — 

In  Homestead,  Appendix  XIV,  271 

Slavic  parochial  schools,  159,  160 

Slavic  women- 
Overwork  and  lack  of  care  during 
confinement  among,  147 

Slavs- 
Ambitions  of,  134,  153,  155,  156; 
Americanizing,  167, 168;  amusements 
of,  private,  149, 150, 151;  amusements 
of,  public,  151;  as  neighbors,  155; 
attitude  of,  toward  education,  160; 
bank  accounts  of,  153,  156;  capacity 
of,  for  social  advancement,  151,  152, 
!53>  i55>  !57;  Carnegie  Library 
Clubs  open  to,  166,  167;  character  of 
work  of,  in  mill,  134;  church  in- 
fluences on,  152,  158,  159,  160,  161; 
congestion  of  population  among,  135, 
136,  137;  description  of  district 
occupied  by,  131;  economic  problem 
of  married,  on  $1.65  a  day,  140,  141, 
142,  143,  144;  economic  problem  of 
single,  on  $1.65  a  day,  138,  139,  140, 
143;  elements  composing  immigrant, 
131;  employment  of ,  quickly  affected 
by  depression,  135;  evening  schools 
for,  166;  expenditures  of,  for  clothing, 
140,  142,  157,  (Tables)  152,  156; 
expenditures  of,  for  food,  70,  140,  157, 
(Tables)  44,  68,  69,  72,  152,  156; 
expenditures  of,  for  food  per  capita, 
141;    expenditures  of,  for  fuel,  140, 


INDEX 


157,  (Tables)  44,  I52>  156;  expendi- 
tures of,  for  furniture,  140,  142, 
(Tables)  152,  156;  expenditures  of, 
for  insurance,  140,  157,  (Tables)  44, 

152,  156;  expenditures  of,  for  other 
items,  140,  157,  (Tables)  44,  152,  156; 
expenditures  of,  for  rent,  140,  141, 
157,  (Tables)  44,  5°,  52,  152,  156; 
expenditures  per  week  by,  (Tables) 
44,  152;  general  situation,  138; 
illiteracy  of,  166,  167;  inadequate 
water  supply,  136,  137;  income  of, 
increased  by  lodgers,  42,  140,  142, 
143,  144,  157;  income  of,  increased 
by  other  means  than  lodgers,  142; 
infant  mortality  among,  as  compared 
with  other  groups,  145,  (Table)  146; 
infant  mortality  among,  cause  of,  147; 
influence  of,  on  civic  and  industrial 
future,  128;  intemperance  among, 
140,  149;  isolation  and  lack  of 
assimilation  of,  14,  15,  164,  167,  168, 
180,181;  midwives  employed  by,  147; 
mode  of  living  among,  132,  133,  134, 
138,  139,  140;  national  distinctions 
among,  133;  number  of,  in  Home- 
stead, 132;  old-world  customs  among, 
150;  owning  homes,  (Table)  57,  152, 

153,  x55;  Per  cent  OI>  employed  in 
mill,  133;  per  cent  of  married,  em- 
ployed in  mill,  180;  per  cent  of 
skilled  and  unskilled,  134,  152,  153; 
politics  of,  165, 166;  privation  among, 
caused  by  depression  of  1907-08,  135; 
problems  of  the,  129-168;  prospect  of 
promotion  of ,  in  mill,  134,  180;  reli- 
gion of,  152,  158,  159, 160;  social  life 
of,  149,  iso,  151,  163,  164;  style  of 
dressing  among,  150,  151;  tempera- 
ment of,  133;  wages  of,  153;  wages  of 
skilled  and  unskilled,  (Table)  40; 
weekly  wage  of,  (Table)  38;  why 
immigrate,  131,132.  See  also  general 
tables  and  Appendix  II 

Slovaks.     See  Slavs 

Social  expenses,  87,  88 

Social  features — 

Fraternal  organizations,  113,  114, 
US 
Social  life — 

Of  Slavs,  149,  150,  151,  163,  164. 
See  also  Amusements 

Social  reform  in  America — 

Strongest  impetus  toward,  4 


Social  relationships.  See  Human 
relationships 

Socialism — 

An  individual  hope  for  some  work- 
men, 176 

Sons — 

Contribution  of,  to  income,  125, 
126;  parents'  ambition  for,  126,  127, 
128 

St.  Magdalene  Parochial  School,  159 

Standard  of  Living  among  Work- 
ingmen's  Families  in  New  York 
City,  The— 

By  Robert  Coit  Chapin,  51,  52,  67, 
70,  103,  104,  105,  142,  181 

Standards  of  living — 

Determining  factors  in,  39,  40; 
lowered  by  undue  economy,  84,  85, 
86.     See  also  Family  ideals 

Steel  making — 

Dangers  attending,  36;  general 
process  of,  35;  hardships  attending, 
35, 36;  hours  of  labor  in,  36,  171, 172; 
men  paid  for  suggestions  leading  to 
improvements  in  process,  174;  Sun- 
day work,  35,  176.     See  also  Mill 

Steel  workers- 
Prospect  of  an  independent  liveli- 
hood for,  182,  183,  184 

Steel  Workers,  The— 

By  John  A.  Fitch,  36,  42,  177 

Stevens,  W.  F  — 

Description  of  Carnegie  Library, 
Homestead,  Appendix  XIII,  255 

Stockholders — 

Attitude  of  employes  as,  176,  1 77 

Stores — 

Women  in,  125 

Strike  of  1892 — 

Beginning  of  the,  8;  churches 
founded  before,  6;  effect  of,  on  trade 
unionism,  1 1 ;  elements  of  population 
at  time  of,  5,  6;  general  industrial 
conditions  at  time  of,  7;  hopelessness 
and  inertia  result  of,  10,  n,  174;  in- 
dustrial suppression  outcome  of,  10, 
n,  175,  176;    inequality  of  wages  at 

290 


time  of,  7;  keynote  of,  trade  union- 
ism, 8;  life  during  the,  9,  10;  out- 
come of  the,  10,  175;  Pinkertons' 
part  in,  9;  question  of  equity  in- 
volved in,  10,  n;  trade  unionism  at 
time  of,  4,  6 

Sunday  dinner,  65 

Sunday  work,  36,  176 

Sundries,  Expenditures  for,  81,  82, 
83,  (Table)  84,  88,  89,  90,  101,  102, 
103,  104,  105;  by  English-speaking 
Europeans,  (Table)  44;  by  expendi- 
ture groups,  (Table)  45;  by  native 
whites,  (Table)  44;  by  Negroes, 
(Table)  44;  by  Slavs,  140,  157, 
(Tables)  44,  152,  156;  during  de- 
pression of  1907-08,  (Table)  98. 
See  also  general  tables 

Superintendent  of  mill,  177 

Suppression.  See  Industrial  suppres- 
sion 

Survey,  The — 

Articles  quoted,  181 


Table  and  dinner  pail,  63-80 

Taxes- 
Effect  of  borough  divisions  on,  19, 
20,  21,  22,  178;    Homestead,  (Table) 
20;    Munhall,  (Table)  20 

Taxpayers'  League,  27 

Tobacco,  expenditures  for — 
82,  83,  (Table)  84,  ioi,  102 

Toilets- 
Indoor,   51,   55,  (Table)   54;    out- 
door, 25,51,53,131,137 

Town- 
Location  and  description  of,  3,  4,  5, 
17,  18 

Town  Plan- 
Homestead,  46,  47;    Munhall,  46; 
West  Homestead,  46 


Town  site,  Homestead  as  a, 

Town's  growth- 
Changes  affecting,  128 


7-32 


Trade  unionism — 

At  time  of  strike  of  1892,  4,  6; 
effect  of  strike  of  1892  on,  11;  em- 
ploye proposing,  is  discharged,  175; 
keynote  of  strike  of  1892,  8 

Trade  unions,  4,  7,  8;  beneficial  effect 
of,  on  wages  and  hours,  in  bitumin- 
ous mines,  181;  none  to  give  common 
interest,  164;  older  men  lack  confi- 
dence in,  175,  176.  See  also  Amal- 
gamated Association  of  Iron  and  Steel 
Workers 

Transportation  facilities,  5 


Underhill,  Frank  P.— 

Report  on  Nutrition  Investigation, 
70,  71,  141 

U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor,  66 

United  States  Census,  13 

U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Labor,  52,  67, 

73 

U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture,  69 

United  States  Steel  Corporation- 
Accident  relief  plan  of,  95,  Appen- 
dix XII,  249;  attitude  of,  184;  plans 
of,  for  prevention  of  work-accidents, 
92 

Unskilled  work — 

Not  always  temporary  stage,  41 

Unskilled  workers — 

Increase  in  number  of,  179;  per- 
manent factor  ins.  social  life,  180.  See 
also  Skilled  and  unskilled 


Vacation  schools,  121 

Ventilation — 

Absence  of  specific  regulation  con- 
cerning, 25 


Wage — 

Minimum,  required  to  assure  prac- 
tical margin,  181,  182,  183,  184 


291 


Wage-earners— 

Types  of,  earning  $12  a  week  or 
less,  $12  to  $14.99  a  week,  $15  to 
$19.99  a  week,  and  $20  a  week  and 
over,  38-39 

Wages — 

Analysis  of  budget  families  by 
weekly,  (Table)  36;  beneficial  effect 
of  trade  unions  on,  in  bituminous 
mines,  181;  determine  expenditure 
for  rent,  51,52;  family  life  dependent 
on,  41;  for  work  in  mill,  171,  180,  181, 
182,  183;  inequality  of,  at  time  of 
strike  of  1892,  7;  mill,  compared  with 
bituminous  mines,  181;  reductions 
in  rate  of,  42;  regularity  of,  42;  scale 
fixed  by  Amalgamated  Association  of 
Iron  and  Steel  workers,  6,  7,  8; 
skilled  and  unskilled,  (Table)  40,  41; 
Slavs,  153;  sliding  scale  of ,  introduced 
in  1889,  7;  weekly,  of  English-speak- 
ing Europeans,  native  whites,  Ne- 
groes, Slavs,  (Table)  38 

Washing  machines,  87 

Water  supply — 

Inadequate  in  Slavic  district,  136, 
137;  McKeesport,  24;  Munhall,  24, 
178;  municipal,  23,  24;  Pittsburgh, 
24 

Water,  running — 

In  houses,  24,  48,  51,  (Table)  54, 
58;  in  house,  and  indoor  closets, 
families  having,  by  weekly  rent, 
(Table)  54;  outside  houses,  24,  25, 
48,  51,  53,  131,  136,  137 

Water  system — 

In  Homestead,  23 

West  Homestead,  4, 
plan  of,  46 

Westinghouse  Electric  Works- 
Girls  employed  in,  125 

Whitaker,  19 


[8,   19;     town 


Women — 

In  offices,  125;  in  stores,  125;  in 
Westinghouse  Electric  Works,  125; 
seldom  work  outside  home,  41,  107, 
125 

Women's  clubs — 

Activities,  114,  116,  121,  122,  Ap- 
pendix XIII,  264 

Work- 
Conditions  of,  in  mill,  171, 172, 173, 
174;    hours  of,  in  mill,  36,  171,  172; 
mental  fatigue  of  mill,  173 

Work,  wages  and  the  cost  of  living, 
35-45 

Work-accidents,  92;  burden  of  loss  in, 
95,  96;  compensation  for,  94,  95,  Ap- 
pendices XI  and  XII,  245,  249;  com- 
pensation paid  by  Carnegie  Steel 
Company  for,  94,  (Table)  95,  Appen- 
dix XI,  245;  movement  for  preven- 
tion of,  92,  93;  movement  of  United 
States  Steel  Corporation  for  relief  of, 
92,  Appendix  XII,  249;  newspaper 
reports  of,  93;  no  compensation  for, 
paid  families  of  aliens,  161;  plans  of 
United  States  Steel  Corporation  for 
relief  of  victims  of,  95,  Appendix 
XII,  249 

Work-accidents  and  the  Law — 
By  Crystal  Eastman,  93,  95 

Workingmen — 

Attitude  toward  philanthropic 
movements,  178;  opportunities  for 
buying  homes  given,  57,  58,  61;  own- 
ing homes  lessens  mobility  of  labor, 
62;  why  some  do  not  own  homes,  60, 
61,  62.     See  also  House  owners 

Workingmen's  homes — 

Architecture,  47;  gardens,  47,  48. 
See  also  Housing  conditions 

Workmen's  Compensation  Act  (Eng- 
lish), 96 


292 


THE SURVEY 

SOCIAL  CHARITABLE  CIVIC 

A   JOURNAL  OF  CONSTRUCTIVE   PHILANTHROPY 


HTHE  SURVEY  is  a  weekly  magazine  for  all  those  who 
*  believe  that  progress  in  this  country  hinges  on 
social  service:  that  legislation,  city  government,  the  care 
of  the  unfortunate,  the  cure  of  the  sick,  the  education  of 
children,  the  work  of  men  and  the  homes  of  women,  must 
pass  muster  in  their  relation  to  the  common  welfare. 

As  Critic,  The  Survey  examines  conditions  of  life  and 
labor,  and  points  where  they  fail:  how  long  hours,  low  pay, 
insanitary  housing,  disease,  intemperance,  indiscriminate 
charity,  and  lack  of  recreation,  break  down  character  and 
efficiency. 

As  Student,  The  Survey  examines  immigration,  industry, 
congestion,  unemployment,  to  furnish  a  solid  basis  of  fact 
for  intelligent  and  permanent  betterment. 

As  Program,  The  Survey  stands  for  Prevention:  Pre- 
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charity;  Prevention  of  Disease  through  long-range  systems 
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pure  food  and  water,  a  chance  for  play  out-of-doors;  Pre- 
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reformatories,  indeterminate  sentence,  segregation,  discip- 
line and  probation;  Prevention  of  Inefficiency,  both  industrial 
and  civic,  through  practice  in  democracy,  restriction  of 
child  labor,  fair  hours,  fair  wages,  enough  leisure  for  reading 
and  recreation,  compulsory  school  laws  and  schools  that 
fit  for  life  and  labor,  for  the  earning  of  income  and  for 
rational  spending. 


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HOUSING    REFORM 

A  Handbook  for  Use  in  American  Cities 
By  LAWRENCE  VEILLER 

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House  Department  under  Mayor  Seth  Low  •   Director  Department  for  the  Improvement 

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FOREWORD,  BY  ROBERT  W.  de  FOREST 

I.  Housing  Evils  and  Their  Significance. 

II.  Some  Popular  Fallacies. 

III.  Congestion  and  Overcrowding. 

IV.  The  Housing  Problem  a  Three-fold  One. 

V.  How  to  Start  a  Movement  for  Housing  Reform. 

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VII.  Model  Tenements  and  Their  Limitations. 

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IX.  Essential  Principles  of  a  Housing  Law. 

X.  What  a  Housing  Law  Should  Contain. 

XI.  The  Enforcement  of  Housing  Laws. 

XII.  How  to  Secure  Legislative  Reforms. 

XIII.  The  Field  of  Private  Effort. 

XIV.  A  Chapter  of  "Don'ts." 

Sample  Schedules  for  Housing  Investigations. 
Index. 

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SOME,  SENTENCES  FROM  HOUSING  REFORM 

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No  housing  evils  are  necessary ;  none  need  be  tolerated.  Where  they 
exist  they  are  always  a  reflection  upon  the  intelligence,  rightmindedness  and 
moral  tone  of  the  community. 

Reforms  not  based  upon  carefully  ascertained  facts  will  be  found  to 
have  no  permanent  value.  The  breastworks  which  defend  the  law  are  made 
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